عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The Relationship between Reason and Religion in Morteza Motahhari's Thought and It’s Impact on the Islamic Revolution Discourse رابطه دیانت و عقلانیت در نظام فکری شهید مطهری و تاثیر آن بر گفتمان انقلاب اسلامی 3 26 217923 FA فریبرز احمدی نژاد استادیار ، گروه معارف اسلامی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 05 14 One of the most fundamental philosophical and theological inquiries throughout history has been the relationship between reason and religion. The central question is whether epistemic authority lies with human intellect or divine revelation. In this context, this study examines the relationship between reason and faith in the intellectual framework of Morteza Motahhari and its influence on the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. The hypothesis suggests that as a leading contemporary scholar, Motahhari engaged deeply with the philosophical aspects of the reason-religion dynamic, articulating a rationalist approach within his works. Given his significant role in shaping the ideological foundations of the Islamic Revolution, his views on this subject inevitably influenced the intellectual discourse of the revolution. This research, employing an interpretive-explanatory approach and utilizing documentary and library sources, finds that Motahhari consistently emphasized a rational interpretation of religion. His approach not only integrated reason into religious exegesis but also extended rationality into his understanding of political Islam. The question of the relationship between reason and religion has long preoccupied theologians and philosophers. The central debate revolves around whether divine revelation and rational thought are inherently contradictory or complementary sources of knowledge. Some historical perspectives, particularly within Western positivist historiography and materialist sociology, have dismissed religion as an irrational and mythical construct. Figures such as Joseph Lafitau, Max Müller, and James Frazer viewed religious beliefs as primitive and irrational, while 19th-century materialist sociologists like Feuerbach and Marx saw religion as a byproduct of human immaturity. Conversely, many scholars argue that religion and reason are not necessarily in conflict. Some religious traditions emphasize that faith does not contradict logic but rather complements and reinforces it. This has led to a long-standing debate across various intellectual traditions, from medieval Christian theologians to Islamic philosophers. Thinkers such as Augustine and Thomas Aquinas in the Christian tradition, and scholars in Islamic philosophy, have examined the interplay between reason and faith. In Islamic thought, this debate has been particularly prominent, with some schools of thought advocating a complete separation between reason and revelation, while others—such as the Mu‘tazilites—have sought to harmonize the two. Within Shia Islam, the balance between intellect and faith has been a core component of theological discourse. In this context, Morteza Motahhari, as one of the most influential contemporary Islamic thinkers, engaged deeply with the question of reason and religion. His views played a crucial role in shaping the intellectual and ideological foundations of the Islamic Revolution. This study explores the fundamental question: What is the relationship between reason and faith in Motahhari’s thought, and how did it influence the discourse of the Islamic Revolution? Theoretical Framework: Rationality and Religion The debate over the compatibility of reason and religion is a longstanding issue in philosophy and theology. Some scholars argue for a fundamental incompatibility between rationality and faith, while others suggest a harmonious relationship between the two. The reconciliation or divergence of reason and religious belief significantly influences epistemology, ethics, and political philosophy. One of the central issues in this debate is the role of reason in evaluating religious beliefs. Key questions include: What is the nature of rationality, and how does it interact with religious knowledge? Can rational analysis be applied to religious doctrines? Does faith require rational justification? Throughout history, thinkers have developed different models to address these questions. Augustine, for example, argued that divine illumination enables human reason to perceive eternal truths. Thomas Aquinas, building on Aristotelian philosophy, posited that reason and revelation are not contradictory but rather different expressions of the same truth. In contrast, fideist perspectives hold that faith is independent of, or even superior to, rational thought. In the Islamic tradition, figures such as Al-Farabi, Avicenna, and Mulla Sadra have examined the role of reason in understanding religious truths. Shia theology, in particular, has emphasized the compatibility of intellect and revelation. The hadith from Imam Musa al-Kadhim stating that "God has two proofs upon mankind: an external proof (the prophets and imams) and an internal proof (human reason)" reflects this perspective. Motahhari’s intellectual framework aligns with this tradition, arguing for the integration of reason and faith. His works emphasize that Islamic teachings are fundamentally rational and that reason serves as a critical tool for understanding religious principles. Findings The Rational Foundation of Islamic Teachings Motahhari’s works demonstrate a strong emphasis on rationality within Islamic teachings. He argued that the Quran does not promote blind faith but instead encourages rational inquiry. According to him, Islamic epistemology is based on logical reasoning rather than dogmatic adherence: "Islam assigns immense value to human reason, thought, knowledge, and scientific investigation. The Quran consistently calls upon individuals to reflect and contemplate, avoiding blind imitation in matters of faith." (Motahhari, 1989, p. 185) He further maintained that the Quranic approach to belief is based on intellectual conviction rather than emotional or mystical experience. For example, Quranic verses frequently appeal to reason by presenting logical arguments for divine existence and moral principles. Reason as a Tool for Religious Interpretation Motahhari viewed rationality as essential in interpreting religious texts. He argued that Islamic jurisprudence and theology must be grounded in reason to ensure their relevance and adaptability. His perspective aligns with the principles of ijtihad (independent reasoning) in Islamic law, which allows for continuous reinterpretation based on rational analysis. Motahhari’s Critique of Secular and Extremist Views Motahhari was critical of both secular rationalism, which sought to exclude religion from public life, and religious extremism, which rejected rational inquiry. He argued that a purely secular perspective leads to a spiritual void, while an anti-rational religious stance results in dogmatism and stagnation. His balanced approach aimed to integrate rationality within religious thought without succumbing to either extreme. The Influence of Motahhari’s Thought on the Islamic Revolution Motahhari’s emphasis on the compatibility of reason and faith played a crucial role in shaping the intellectual discourse of the Islamic Revolution. He rejected the Western secular model, which separates religion from politics, while also opposing fundamentalist interpretations that dismissed rational discourse. His vision of an Islamic state was one in which governance was informed by both religious principles and rational policymaking. He argued that the revolution was not merely a political upheaval but also an intellectual and spiritual movement. His ideas provided the ideological foundation for a political system that sought to balance Islamic teachings with modern governance structures. Conclusion The relationship between reason and religion has been a central debate in philosophy and theology. This study examined Morteza Motahhari’s views on this issue, highlighting his rationalist interpretation of Islam and its impact on the Islamic Revolution. Motahhari’s approach demonstrates that he saw no inherent contradiction between reason and faith. He argued that Islamic teachings are fundamentally rational and that intellectual inquiry is essential for understanding religious principles. His emphasis on rationality influenced the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, shaping its ideological foundations and contributing to the development of an Islamic governance model that integrates both reason and faith. By advocating for a rational interpretation of Islam, Motahhari provided a framework that continues to influence contemporary Islamic thought. His legacy serves as a testament to the possibility of harmonizing intellectual inquiry with religious belief, offering a model for a modern Islamic state that upholds both rationality and spirituality. از دیرباز یکی از مهمترین سوالهای بشری این بوده است که حجیّت معرفت شناختی با عقل است یا دین؛ به عبارت دیگر، کدام منبع – عقل آدمی یا وحی آسمانی – می تواند پاسخگویی پرسشهای بنیادین بشری باشد و به نیازهای معرفتی‌اش پاسخ بگوید. در همین راستا، پرسش اصلی این مقاله به رابطۀ دیانت و عقلانیت در نظام فکری شهید مطهری پرداخته و تاثیر آن بر انقلاب اسلامی را محل تأمل و بررسی قرار داده است. فرضیۀ مقاله این بوده است که شهید مطهری به عنوان یکی از روشنفکران حوزوی معاصر تأملات فلسفی درباب نسبت دیانت و عقلانیت داشتهاند و در این باب در آثار مختلف‌شان تفکراتی را ارائه کرده‌اند و از آنجایی که ایشان در فرآیند تکوین انقلاب اسلامی نیز نقش موثری داشته‌اند، لذا این جنبه از تفکر ایشان قطعاً بر شکل‌گیری گفتمان انقلاب اسلامی موثر بوده است. این پژوهش با بررسی آن تفکرات و این تاثیرات، به این نتیجه رسیده است که استاد مطهری در قرائت و تفسیر خودش از دین رویکردی کاملاً عقلانی داشته است و همین قرائتِ عقلانی‌ دین را در خوانش خودش از اسلامِ سیاسی نیز دخیل کرده است. رویکرد مقاله توضیحی-تفسیری و روش جمع آوری داده‌ها اسنادی و کتابخانه‌ای بوده است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217923_ac7c29152b284d40481fcec11275c2f8.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 Legislative Policy in Addressing Administrative and Disciplinary Violations of Government Employees in the Administrative Justice Court سیاست گذاری تقنینی در رسیدگی به تخلفات اداری و انتظامی کارکنان دولت در دیوان عدالت اداری 27 52 217924 FA حمیدرضا بهرامی دانشجوی دکتری حقوق جزا و جرمشناسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران: ایران حسین غلامی استاد حقوق جزا و جرم شناسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه عالمه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران حسنعلی موذن زادگان استاد حقوق جزا و جرم شناسی، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 09 12 This study examines legislative policies regarding the adjudication of administrative and disciplinary violations of government employees within Iran’s Administrative Justice Court. The primary research question investigates whether the existing legislative frameworks have effectively contributed to reducing violations and improving administrative order. The study hypothesizes that legal and procedural gaps—such as disproportionate penalties for infractions, lack of free legal assistance, and the absence of specialized administrative courts—have undermined the efficiency of the Administrative Justice Court. Employing a descriptive-analytical method, this research relies on library resources and comparative studies with similar legal systems, particularly France. The findings indicate that, despite its crucial role in overseeing governmental performance and ensuring citizen rights, the Administrative Justice Court faces numerous challenges. These include the frequent annulment of rulings by administrative disciplinary boards, insufficient expertise in general courts to handle administrative cases, and inadequate legal protection for individuals against governmental entities. Ultimately, the study underscores the necessity of legislative reforms to enhance the effectiveness of administrative justice. It offers policy recommendations aimed at strengthening the role of the Administrative Justice Court in fostering transparency and efficiency in governance. Introduction A nation's administrative system is a fundamental pillar of governance, responsible for maintaining order, delivering public services, and safeguarding citizens’ rights. However, administrative and disciplinary violations by government employees can undermine the efficiency and transparency of the system, weakening public trust in state institutions. Addressing these violations requires robust legal and oversight mechanisms that not only protect citizens' rights but also uphold administrative integrity and order. In Iran, the Administrative Justice Court, established under Article 173 of the Constitution, plays a pivotal role in adjudicating complaints and objections regarding administrative decisions and actions. As a judicial entity overseeing executive bodies, the court ensures justice in interactions between the government and citizens. Nevertheless, its operations are hindered by multiple challenges. One major issue is the lack of proportionality between infractions and penalties in disciplinary board rulings. Additionally, the absence of specialized administrative courts for cases involving disputes between public institutions and private individuals has resulted in inconsistent rulings. Furthermore, the lack of free legal assistance has limited individuals' ability to defend their rights against state agencies. This study critically examines legislative policy in adjudicating administrative and disciplinary violations by government employees, identifying structural weaknesses in the system. It seeks to highlight the key challenges faced by the Administrative Justice Court and propose reforms to enhance its effectiveness in promoting administrative justice and restoring public confidence. Main Body The Role of the Administrative Justice Court in Supervising Government Conduct The Administrative Justice Court serves as the primary judicial body responsible for reviewing complaints against administrative misconduct. Its authority extends to ensuring that governmental agencies comply with legal and procedural norms. However, research findings indicate that the court's effectiveness is compromised due to structural and procedural limitations. One such limitation is the frequent annulment of rulings by administrative disciplinary boards. These inconsistencies in verdicts have created legal uncertainty, weakening the credibility of administrative justice. Additionally, the court lacks jurisdiction over all administrative disputes, particularly cases where public institutions file claims against private individuals. The current legal framework requires such disputes to be settled in general courts, which often lack the expertise necessary to handle administrative cases effectively. Legislative Challenges in Addressing Administrative Violations Several legal and procedural deficiencies hinder the efficiency of the Administrative Justice Court: -Lack of Proportionality in Punishments: Many disciplinary rulings fail to uphold the principle of proportionality between offenses and penalties. Disproportionate punishments not only violate fundamental legal principles but also contribute to the high volume of appeals and complaints, overburdening the judicial system. -Inadequate Legal Support for Citizens: Unlike in some other jurisdictions, Iranian law does not provide free legal assistance or state-appointed lawyers for administrative cases. This disparity puts individuals at a disadvantage when contesting government decisions. -Absence of Specialized Administrative Courts: While some legal systems, such as France, have dedicated administrative courts, Iran lacks an equivalent structure. The reliance on general courts for administrative disputes results in inconsistent rulings and reduces legal predictability. Comparative legal analysis suggests that adopting specialized administrative courts could enhance the efficiency of adjudicating government-related disputes and reinforce public confidence in judicial oversight mechanisms. The Need for Legislative Reforms Given the identified challenges, legislative reforms are necessary to strengthen the Administrative Justice Court’s role in maintaining fairness and accountability in government actions. Key areas for reform include: -Enhancing Legal Protections for Citizens: Introducing free legal aid for individuals challenging administrative rulings would ensure a fairer judicial process. -Institutionalizing Proportionality in Disciplinary Rulings: Establishing clear guidelines for the proportionality of penalties can prevent arbitrary decisions and reduce the caseload of appeals. -Creating Specialized Administrative Courts: Establishing courts dedicated to administrative disputes would improve judicial consistency and ensure that cases are handled by experts in administrative law. -Increasing Transparency and Oversight: Strengthening monitoring mechanisms within the Administrative Justice Court can enhance its effectiveness in overseeing government agencies and preventing abuses of power. Conclusion Legislative policy in adjudicating administrative and disciplinary violations of government employees plays a crucial role in maintaining order, ensuring transparency, and bolstering public trust in governance. The Administrative Justice Court, established as a key constitutional institution, is tasked with overseeing government decisions and safeguarding citizens’ rights. However, this research highlights significant challenges in the court's operations, including disproportionate punishments, lack of specialized administrative courts, and insufficient legal protections for citizens. Addressing these issues requires comprehensive legislative reforms. Implementing specialized administrative courts, enforcing the principle of proportionality, and providing legal aid for individuals would enhance the efficiency and fairness of administrative justice. By adopting these reforms, the Administrative Justice Court can strengthen its role in promoting transparency and accountability, ensuring that administrative justice serves as a cornerstone for good governance in Iran. این پژوهش به سیاستگذاری تقنینی در زمینه رسیدگی به تخلفات اداری و انتظامی کارکنان دولت در دیوان عدالت اداری پرداخته است. پرسش اصلی تحقیق این است که آیا سیاست‌های تقنینی فعلی توانسته‌اند به‌طور مؤثر در کاهش تخلفات و بهبود نظم اداری نقش‌آفرینی کنند؟ فرضیه پژوهش بر این اساس استوار است که وجود خلأهای قانونی و اجرایی، از جمله عدم تناسب میان تخلف و مجازات، نبود حمایتهای حقوقی رایگان، و کمبود تخصص در دادگاه‌ های عمومی برای رسیدگی به دعاوی اداری، اثربخشی دیوان عدالت اداری را کاهش داده است. روش پژوهش به‌صورت توصیفی-تحلیلی بوده و با بهره‌گیری از منابع کتابخانه‌ای و مطالعه تطبیقی با نظام‌های حقوقی مشابه، از جمله فرانسه، انجام شده است. یافته‌ های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که دیوان عدالت اداری، علی‌رغم نقش حیاتی خود در نظارت بر عملکرد دستگاه‌های دولتی و تضمین حقوق شهروندان، با چالش‌های متعددی مواجه است. از جمله این چالش‌ها می‌توان به نقض مکرر آرای هیأت‌های رسیدگی به تخلفات، فقدان تخصص کافی در دادگاه‌های عمومی برای دعاوی اداری، و عدم حمایت مؤثر از شهروندان در برابر نهادهای دولتی اشاره کرد. این پژوهش در نهایت بر ضرورت اصلاح قوانین مربوط به رسیدگی به تخلفات اداری تأکید کرده و راهکارهایی برای تقویت جایگاه دیوان عدالت اداری در افزایش شفافیت و کارآمدی ارائه می‌دهد.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217924_1183aafbb9e6dd60a27edcc7010521ad.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The issue of political parties in contemporary political jurisprudence in Iran مسئله تحزب در فقه سیاسی در ایران معاصر 53 74 217925 FA سعید جوانمرد دانشجوی دکتری گروه علوم سیاسی/واحد خرم آباد، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، خرم آباد، ایران رسول افضلی استاد گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه تهران،تهران،ایران علی فلاح نژاد استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد خرم آباد ، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ، خرم آباد، ایران. Journal Article 2024 06 19 The Islamic Revolution in Iran, unlike the general trend of Western modernity, did not succeed by advocating the separation of religion and politics. Rather, it triumphed under the banner of their collaboration. Consequently, one of the major issues in post-revolutionary Iran has been the capacity of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) to govern public affairs. In this context, the present study investigates the relationship between Islamic jurisprudence and the concept of political parties in contemporary Iran. The hypothesis of the research suggests that political fiqh, through its ongoing engagement with the modern state, has developed broad capacities to absorb and manage modern institutions such as political parties. The findings reveal that not only is there no essential contradiction between Islamic jurisprudence and political partisanship, but also that juristic sources contain conceptual models that can legitimize and guide political party activity. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and data collection is based on library and documentary sources. Introduction The Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran presented a major rupture in both domestic and global political theory. Unlike Western revolutions that often emphasized secularism and the separation of religion from state, Iran's revolution foregrounded the integration of religious authority into political life. This integration raised foundational questions regarding the compatibility of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) with modern political institutions, particularly political parties. Political parties are central to modern governance systems, serving functions such as interest articulation, elite recruitment, and political participation. However, their roots in secular liberal traditions have made them a subject of debate within religious and traditional societies. This article addresses a core theoretical issue: can Shiite political jurisprudence accommodate and legitimize political party systems in the context of a modern Islamic state? The inquiry is both normative and empirical, engaging with doctrinal texts while also reflecting on contemporary political practice in Iran. The underlying hypothesis asserts that Shiite political fiqh has developed adaptive mechanisms that not only tolerate but also conceptually support the existence and function of political parties within the Islamic Republic. Methodology This study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, combining theoretical interpretation with textual analysis. The research relies heavily on library-based and documentary sources, including classical Shiite jurisprudential texts, modern political theory, and the constitutional and institutional structures of the Islamic Republic. By comparing pre-modern juristic doctrines with modern political realities, the study examines the potential for doctrinal continuity and innovation in Islamic governance. Main Body 1. Historical Context and Theoretical Foundations The transition of Iranian society from a traditional to a modern polity brought significant changes in governance. The constitutional revolution of the early 20th century initiated debates about representation, rule of law, and legitimacy—debates that intensified following the Islamic Revolution. The integration of clerical authority into state structures created an imperative for political fiqh to evolve and meet the demands of modern governance. Classical Islamic jurisprudence, developed under non-statist and often dynastic rule, did not conceptualize political parties as such. Nonetheless, within Shiite thought, concepts like shura (consultation), wilayat (guardianship/authority), and ikhtilaf (plurality of opinion) provide a foundation for collective political engagement. The article draws on these concepts to argue that there is doctrinal space for political pluralism in Islam. 2. Jurisprudential Capacity and Doctrinal Flexibility One of the paper’s key arguments is that Shiite jurisprudence possesses intrinsic flexibility to engage with political innovation. Throughout the 20th century, religious scholars like Ayatollah Na’ini, Imam Khomeini, and others contributed to evolving discourses that framed political authority within Islamic terms while accepting modern institutional forms. The very formation of the Islamic Republic—with elected bodies such as the Parliament (Majlis) and the presidency—reflects this capacity for integration. Although some religious voices remain cautious toward political parties, citing concerns about divisiveness, foreign infiltration, and ideological inconsistency, many others recognize their potential in organizing political life within a religious framework. The research highlights both supportive and critical views from contemporary clerics and jurists. 3. Practical Manifestations in the Islamic Republic Empirically, Iran has witnessed the emergence of organized political factions and semi-official parties, ranging from conservative formations like the Combatant Clergy Association to reformist groups like the Islamic Iran Participation Front. These developments, though not always aligned with classical models of Western party systems, suggest the presence of de facto political pluralism. Despite legal and institutional constraints, elections in Iran often present a competitive political field shaped by ideologically distinct groups operating in a quasi-partisan structure. The paper also explores the political discourse within Iran’s religious seminaries (hawza), where debates continue over the merits and dangers of partisanship. Some jurists argue that party competition can enhance public engagement and ideological clarity, while others emphasize the risks of factionalism undermining national unity. 4. Philosophical and Political Implications The acceptance—or at least toleration—of political parties in the Islamic Republic has broader implications for the philosophy of Islamic governance. If parties are tools for organizing political participation and ensuring accountability, their compatibility with Islamic ethics must be articulated. This section evaluates how Islamic values like justice, public interest (maslahah), and ethical governance can be operationalized within partisan frameworks. The article suggests that Islamic jurisprudence need not adopt Western liberal democracy wholesale but can offer an alternative model of religious democracy that includes structured political competition. Conclusion This study concludes that Shiite political jurisprudence is not inherently incompatible with the concept of political parties. On the contrary, it offers conceptual tools and historical precedents that can support political pluralism within a religious framework. The Islamic Republic’s experience demonstrates that political organization along party lines can coexist with religious governance—albeit in a distinctive form that reflects Iran’s unique political theology. The research underscores the importance of continuing to develop a political jurisprudence that addresses contemporary institutional needs without sacrificing core Islamic principles. Political parties, when guided by religious ethics and legal oversight, can serve not as threats to Islamic governance, but as instruments of public accountability, participation, and dynamic leadership in a religious democratic order. انقلاب اسلامی ایران بر خلاف روند جاری مدرنیته در غرب و ابعاد جهانی آن نه با شعار تفکیک دین و سیاست، بلکه اتفاقاً، با داعیه همراهی و همکاری این دو به پیروزی رسید. لذا یکی از مباحث عمده در ایران پساانقلابی توانایی‌ها و ظرفیتهای فقه برای ادارۀ امور عمومی است. در همین راستا، سئوال اصلی این مقاله در مورد نسبت فقه و حزب سیاسی در ایران معاصر طرح شده است. فرضیه تحقیق بر آن بوده که فقه سیاسی در ادامه مواجهه با دولت مدرن ظرفیت گسترده‌ای برای جذب و ادارۀ نهادهای مدرن، از جمله حزب، را دارا است. نتایج این پژوهش نشان داده است که نه تنها تحزب و حکمرانی حزبی فی نفسه تضاد و تعارضی با مبانی فقه سیاسی ندارند، بلکه الگوهایی در متون فقهی وجود دارد که ظرفیتهای قابل توجهی برای کاربرد در کنشگری سیاسی حزبی دارند. رویکرد تحقیق توصیفی-تحلیلی و شیوۀ گردآوری داده‌ها کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی بوده است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217925_04300a1d2024a0bb4351b2200877003a.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The difference in the approach of the United States and the European Union to the nuclearization process of Middle Eastern countries, with emphasis on Islamic Iran تفاوت رویکرد ایالات متحدة امریکا و اتحادیة اروپا به فرایند هسته ای شدن کشورهای خاورمیانه با تاکید بر ایران اسلامی 75 96 217926 FA سید حسن میرفخرایی دانشیار گروه روابط بین الملل دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی تهران ایران حمید همت دانشجوی مقطع دکتری رشته روابط بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی تهران ایران Journal Article 2024 07 10 In the discussion of the nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries, the United States and Europe are two important and influential regions in world politics. However, the policies of these two regions regarding the nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries differ from each other due to their different attitudes and influences. The United States, due to its great influence in the Middle Eastern region and also in preventing potential threats to national security, seeks to prevent Middle Eastern countries from going nuclear. The United States seeks to prevent these countries from going nuclear by imposing economic sanctions and military threats. The United States also seeks to protect human rights and international law in this regard and, considering potential threats to national security, uses a military approach to prevent Middle Eastern countries from going nuclear. On the other hand, Europe, due to its geographical proximity and the direct effects of this issue on the region, seeks a diplomatic and cooperative approach with Middle Eastern countries. Europe seeks peaceful nuclear agreements with Middle Eastern countries and tries to prevent these countries from going nuclear through negotiations and agreements. Also, Europe seeks to protect human rights and international law in this regard and does not use a military approach and military threats to prevent Middle Eastern countries from going nuclear. Therefore, the policies of the United States and Europe regarding the nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries are different from each other. The United States seeks to prevent possible threats to national security and uses a military approach to prevent Middle Eastern countries from going nuclear, while Europe seeks a diplomatic and cooperative approach with Middle Eastern countries and seeks to prevent these countries from going nuclear through peaceful nuclear agreements. The necessity and importance of the present study is in the comparative and comparative study of the approaches of the United States and the European Union in facing the nuclearization of these countries in the sensitive and turbulent Middle Eastern region. Regarding the research background, it should be said that so far, research has been written on the nuclear programs of Middle Eastern countries and the policies of the United States and the European Union towards it. However, no research has been conducted to compare and contrast the impact of the policies and approaches of the United States and the European Union on the nuclear programs of Middle Eastern countries. The aim of this research is to examine and understand the approaches of the United States and the European Union towards the nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries; and the main question will be answered: What is the approach of the United States and the European Union to the process of nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries? In the hypothesis, we will also say that the approach of the United States is to prevent the nuclearization of the pivotal countries of the Middle East and maintain Israel's nuclear superiority; and the approach of the European Union is to target crisis management in nuclear activities in the region. This research is based on the explanatory-comparative method and the method of collecting data and information is library-based. The findings of the research also show the difference in the approach of the United States and Europe towards the nuclear programs of Middle Eastern countries. Research method This research is based on an explanatory-comparative method and the method of collecting data and information is library-based. Conclusion The aim of this research is to examine and understand the approaches of the United States and the European Union towards the nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries; and the main question was answered: What is the approach of the United States and the European Union to the process of nuclearization of Middle Eastern countries? The hypothesis of this research was that the approach of the United States is to prevent the nuclearization of the pivotal countries of the Middle East and maintain Israel's nuclear superiority; and the approach of the European Union is to manage the crisis in nuclear activities in the region in a targeted manner. In short, the approaches of the United States and Europe towards the nuclear program of Middle Eastern countries are different for various reasons. While the United States is focused on defending Israel's security, Europe is seeking to find diplomatic solutions to solve regional issues. The United States, as a trans-regional power, is trying to have a permanent presence in the Middle East and strengthen this presence through its military power, but Europe has a different perspective on regional developments due to its institutional perspective on global issues and the lack of a need for direct presence in the Middle East. On the other hand, due to the geographical proximity between Europe and the Middle East, the southern countries of the Union feel more threatened by its crises and the promotion of Islamic radicalism and terrorism in the region, but the United States does not feel threatened to such an extent. In addition, both actors, as we have seen, share the same views on promoting liberal democracy, reforms in the Middle East, and efforts to gain benefits from the Middle East. هدف اصلی این پژوهش بررسی و شناخت رویکردهای آمریکا و اروپا نسبت به هسته‌ای شدن کشورهای خاورمیانه می باشد؛ و به این سوال اصلی پاسخ داده خواهد شد که رویکرد آمریکا و اروپا به فرایند هسته ای شدن کشورهای خاورمیانه(2021-2001) چگونه است؟ در فرضیه نیز خواهیم گفت رویکرد آمریکا در بازه ی زمانی(2021-2001) جلوگیری از هسته ای شدن کشورهای محوری خاورمیانه و حفظ برتری هستهای اسرائیل؛ و رویکرد اروپا مدیریت هدفمند بحران در فعالیت های هسته ای در منطقه است. این پژوهش بر اساس روش تبیینی-مقایسه‌ای بوده و شیوه گردآوری داده‌ها و اطلاعات به صورت کتابخانه‌ای می‌باشد. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می دهد رویکرد آمریکا و اروپا در قبال برنامه هسته‌ای کشورهای خاورمیانه به دلایل مختلفی متفاوت است. در حالی که آمریکا به دفاع از امنیت اسرائیل متمرکز است، اروپا به دنبال یافتن راه حل‌های دیپلماتیک برای حل مسائل منطقه است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217926_2cd11422a867df423ed6f73afc5ad7ff.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The Role of Social Cooperation in Achieving an Ideal Islamic Society Based on the Principle of Cooperation جایگاه همکاری های اجتماعی در تحقق جامعه مطلوب اسلامی بر مبنای قاعده تعاون 97 118 217936 FA زری فیروزکاه عضو هیات علمی گروه فقه و مبانی حقوق اسلامی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران زهرا منتظری استادیار گروه فقه و مبانی حقوق اسلامی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران رامین فغانی استادیار گروه فقه و مبانی حقوق اسلامی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 07 15 Each social system, relying on the principles and values of that society and in the light of cultural, religious beliefs, traditions and social customs, tries to create a suitable framework for improving social cooperation. This issue is also very important in the eyes of Islam, and considering the importance of cooperation and participation between people on the one hand and people with the political system with each other and vice versa, some jurisprudential rules such as cooperation come to mind. In other words, the rule of cooperation shows us the importance of social, economic, political and civil cooperation, in the light of which the political system can also be influenced and organized based on the principles and ideals of Islam such as justice, freedom, human dignity and happiness. Therefore, establishing a link between the social and political arenas in the establishment of an Islamic system or achieving a desirable society is part of the effort of the people (and not just politicians) who can establish the social and cultural system as a support for the political system and benefit from its results. The necessity felt for writing the present text is to find a solution from religious texts and jurisprudential rules in Islamic society that can be operationalized in the political and social arena and transform social cooperation as a tool for solving political and social problems. Specifically, the outbreak of war, insecurity, social and political uprisings, even economic problems such as high prices, inflation and the pressures resulting from them, if they are without the element of social cooperation, become a political and security crisis for the Islamic system. Therefore, the effort to make social cooperation effective in realizing the desired Islamic society is an effort to help confront threats against the Islamic system that can be achieved based on the principle of cooperation. In the present article, the descriptive and analytical method and library tools are used, and the theoretical framework of the research is social jurisprudence, which here concerns the operationalization of the principle of cooperation in the field of social cooperation. The main body The jurisprudential rule of cooperation, in the light of social jurisprudence, also seeks to be applied in the field of social and political life, and social cooperation is the most important achievement of this jurisprudential rule. Based on the fact that the rule of cooperation, according to social jurisprudence, encourages and supports social cooperation, organizing the manifestations of social cooperation by people has also been manifested in various dimensions. According to this rule, the ideal Islamic society is built on the basis of public participation, collective good, responsibility and intervention of people in various affairs of society, both in the political and social spheres. For this reason, the jurisprudential rule of cooperation can lead the form and manner of governing society based on institution-building, citizen responsibility and encouraging altruistic and charitable activities in society. The objective application of the jurisprudential rule of cooperation in the Islamic system and the realization of its desired model is that it considers society and citizens to be involved in social and political affairs such as participation in charity, environmental protection, participation in political affairs and elections, and efforts to form groups, factions, and parties to participate in the aforementioned affairs. Thus, the constructive axis of the jurisprudential rule of cooperation is the formation of social cooperation and organizing the way society is governed by involving citizens in the governance of society. This procedure can be implemented in the Islamic Republic of Iran system and in the form of considering public interests; because the principle of cooperation is not organized based on individual, ethnic, or racial considerations, but rather on public interests and can even help popularize the political system of the Islamic Republic. Because according to social jurisprudence, the desired Islamic society is concerned with improving the social situation, which, through collective cooperation and cooperation, can also lead to an increase in the feeling of brotherhood; it can expand intimacy and affection in society and, therefore, create a social bond to confront social and political crises. Therefore, the effects and results of social cooperation based on cooperation help overcome difficulties in the political arena and crises, which is a testament to the mutual cooperation of the political and social arenas for the development of morality and brotherhood in the Islamic society. When, in the light of the principle of cooperation, people's participation in political and social affairs is maximized, the capabilities of the Islamic Republic system to overcome crises also increase, and by promoting the principle of selflessness and sacrifice, it solves many of the problems of citizens. Conclusion The results of the research have shown that the principle of cooperation plays an important role in expanding the culture of public participation, building institutions in the social arena, making citizens responsible, and promoting a sense of altruism and social cooperation in charitable affairs. The objective manifestation of the principle of cooperation is the formation of civil institutions within the framework of the Constitution and Article 26 of the Constitution, Islamic councils, and taking advantage of people's interaction and public readiness to confront political and social crises. Also, the aforementioned principle in the Islamic Republic of Iran can lead to the popularization of transcendental governance based on people's role-playing in various fields and helping to achieve the goals of the Islamic system. The Constitution and the approach of Imam Khomeini (RA) also support the institutional and universal participation of people in political and social affairs. The social manifestation of cooperation is based on cooperation, brotherhood, and its political manifestation is manifested in supporting people-oriented political parties and institutions. پرسش محوری پژوهش حاضر این است که قاعده تعاون از چه طریقی میتواند منجر به تقویت همکاریهای اجتماعی و رسیدن به جامعه مطلوب اسلامی منجر شود؟ با مبنا قرار دادن فقه اجتماعی، نتایج پژوهش نشان داده است که قاعده تعاون در گسترش فرهنگ مشارکت عمومی، نهادسازی در عرصه اجتماعی، مسؤولیتپذیر کردن شهروندان و ترویج حس نوعدوستی و همکاری اجتماعی در امور خیریه نقش مهمی ایفا مینماید. جلوه عینی قاعده تعاون، تشکیل نهادهای مدنی در چارچوب قانون اساسی و اصل 26 قانون اساسی، شوراهای اسلامی و بهرهگیری از تعامل مردم و آمادگی مردمی برای مقابله با بحرانهای سیاسی و اجتماعی است. همچنین قاعده مزبور در جمهوری اسلامی ایران میتواند به مردمیسازی حکمرانی متعالی بر مبنای نقشآفرینی مردم در عرصههای مختلف و کمک به تحقق اهداف نظام اسلامی منجر شود. قانون اساسی و رویکرد امام خمینی (ره)، نیز حامی مشارکت نهادی و همگانی مردم در امور سیاسی و اجتماعی است. جلوه اجتماعی همکاری بر مبنای تعاون، اخوت و برادری و جلوه سیاسی آن در حمایت از احزاب و نهادهای سیاسی مردممحور تجلی پیدا میکند. در مقاله حاضر از روش توصیفی و تحلیلی و ابزار کتابخانهای استفاده شده و چارچوبنظری تحقیق نیز فقه اجتماعی است که در اینجا ناظر بر عملیاتی کردن قاعده تعاون در عرصه همکاری اجتماعی است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217936_9eed7e58951503b7500df42c5fac30fc.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The Evolution of Labor Parties in Iran After the Revolution and Their Role in the Policy-Making of the Islamic Republic تحولات احزاب کارگری در ایران پس از انقلاب و جایگاه آن در سیاست گذاری جمهوری اسلامی ایران 119 146 217937 FA مهیار طاعتی دانشجوی دکتری، رشته علوم سیاسی، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق، الهیات و علوم سیاسی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران صادق زیباکلام استاد دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی- دانشگاه تهران،تهران، ایران نفیسه السادات قادری استادیار ، گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشکده حقوق، الهیات و علوم سیاسی، واحد علوم و تحقیقات دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران نادر هوشمندیار استادیار دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد تهران مرکزی،تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 06 09 The transformation of labor parties in Iran following the 1979 Islamic Revolution has been a subject of significant political and economic analysis. This study explores the historical development of labor parties in post-revolutionary Iran, examining their role in shaping policy and their influence within the framework of the Islamic Republic. The primary research question is: How have labor parties evolved in Iran since the Islamic Revolution, and what role do they play in policymaking? Using a historical-analytical method, this study investigates the structural and ideological shifts in Iranian labor movements, particularly in relation to state-society relations and economic policymaking. The findings indicate that while labor parties have historically played a minor role in Iran’s political landscape due to state restrictions and ideological constraints, they have influenced social welfare policies and labor legislation indirectly. The research also highlights the challenges faced by labor parties, including legal barriers, governmental control over unions, and economic shifts that have altered labor dynamics. Despite these obstacles, labor movements remain a key player in advocating for workers' rights, albeit within a constrained political environment. Introduction The role of labor parties in the political landscape of Iran has undergone significant transformations since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Unlike many Western democracies where labor parties play a pivotal role in shaping policies, Iranian labor movements have faced various legal and political limitations. Historically, labor parties in Iran have been influenced by leftist ideologies, particularly Marxist and socialist thought, which were largely repressed after the revolution. The Islamic Republic’s political structure, rooted in religious governance, presented unique challenges to labor activism, as it sought to align economic policies with ideological and religious principles. This study investigates the historical development of labor parties in post-revolutionary Iran, analyzing their influence on policymaking and their interactions with state institutions. The key research question is: What transformations have labor parties undergone since the revolution, and what role do they play in Iran’s policymaking process? The research aims to assess: The ideological and structural evolution of labor parties in post-revolutionary Iran. The extent to which labor movements have influenced policymaking in labor rights, economic reforms, and social welfare. The barriers and limitations imposed on labor activism by the Islamic Republic. This study employs a historical-analytical approach, utilizing primary and secondary sources to examine labor party activities, their legal status, and their role in shaping economic policies. Historical Background of Labor Movements in Iran The history of labor movements in Iran dates back to the early 20th century, with the emergence of trade unions and socialist-leaning political parties during the constitutional revolution (1905-1911). However, the rise of the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-1979) saw increased suppression of independent labor movements, as the state sought to control economic and social policies. During the 1940s, labor movements gained prominence, particularly under the influence of the communist Tudeh Party, which played a critical role in mobilizing workers and advocating for labor rights. However, following the 1953 coup against Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, labor activism faced renewed repression under the Shah’s regime. With the 1979 Islamic Revolution, labor movements initially supported the revolutionary cause, aligning with anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist sentiments. However, as the new Islamic government consolidated power, it sought to suppress leftist groups, including labor activists affiliated with Marxist and socialist ideologies. Over time, labor parties were either banned or integrated into state-controlled institutions, limiting their autonomy. Labor Parties and Policy-Making in the Islamic Republic The Marginalization of Independent Labor Parties Following the revolution, the Islamic Republic adopted a state-centered economic model, limiting the role of independent labor organizations. The government established the Islamic Labor Councils, which, while intended to represent workers, were effectively under state control. Independent labor activism was heavily restricted, with many labor leaders arrested or exiled. Government-Controlled Labor Institutions The establishment of state-affiliated organizations, such as the Workers' House (Khaneh Kargar), further weakened independent labor parties. These organizations, while advocating for workers' rights, remained aligned with government policies. This structure ensured that labor activism remained within the ideological framework of the Islamic Republic, reducing the influence of independent labor parties. Economic Policies and Their Impact on Labor Movements Iran’s economic policies have directly influenced the role of labor parties. During the 1980s, the government pursued a centralized economy due to the Iran-Iraq War, with labor policies focused on national mobilization rather than workers’ rights. In the 1990s, economic liberalization policies under President Rafsanjani introduced privatization and market reforms, which led to new challenges for labor groups, including job insecurity and weakened labor protections. Under President Khatami (1997-2005), there was a slight opening for civil society, including labor movements. However, subsequent administrations reinstated strict controls, particularly under Ahmadinejad (2005-2013) and later administrations, as economic crises and international sanctions strained the economy. Challenges Faced by Labor Parties in Iran Despite Iran’s constitutional recognition of labor rights, labor parties and unions face numerous challenges: Legal Barriers: Laws restricting independent labor unions and limiting strikes have curbed labor activism. Government Control: The dominance of state-controlled labor organizations undermines independent labor party influence. Economic Pressures: Economic sanctions, inflation, and privatization policies have weakened labor protections. Suppression of Activism: Labor activists often face imprisonment, surveillance, and exile. These challenges have constrained the ability of labor parties to shape economic policies, despite their historical role in advocating for workers’ rights. Conclusion The evolution of labor parties in post-revolutionary Iran reflects broader political and economic transformations within the Islamic Republic. While labor parties played a significant role in early revolutionary mobilization, their influence has since been curtailed due to legal and ideological constraints. The state’s control over labor institutions has limited independent labor activism, reducing the ability of labor movements to shape policy directly. However, despite these restrictions, labor movements remain a key force in advocating for workers’ rights, particularly in response to economic challenges such as inflation, job insecurity, and wage disparities. این پژوهش به بررسی نقش احزاب کارگری در ایران پس از انقلاب اسلامی و تأثیر آنها بر سیاست‌گذاری جمهوری اسلامی می‌پردازد. سؤال اصلی پژوهش این است که آیا احزاب کارگری توانسته‌اند تغییری در سیاستهای حکومتی ایجاد کنند؟فرضیه تحقیق بیان می‌دارد که علی‌رغم تأثیر اولیه احزاب کارگری در سالهای ابتدایی انقلاب، محدودیتهای قانونی، نظارتی و ساختاری باعث تضعیف نقش آنها در سیاست‌گذاری شده است. پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد کیفی و روش توصیفی-تحلیلی انجام شده است. داده‌ها از طریق مطالعه اسنادی و کتابخانه‌ای گردآوری شده و برای تحلیل روابط علت و معلولی از چارچوب نظری تحلیل رفتاری استفاده شده است. یافته ‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که در سال ‌های اولیه پس از انقلاب، احزاب کارگری از طریق فعالیت‌ های صنفی بر تصمیمات حکومتی تأثیرگذار بودند، اما به‌تدریج با برطرف نشدن خواسته های تشکل‌های مستقل بصورت کافی، نقش آن ‌ها کاهش یافته است. با این حال، در سال ‌های اخیر فضای جدیدی برای کنشگری کارگری از طریق شبکه‌های اجتماعی و مطالبات صنفی شکل گرفته است. این پژوهش بر ضرورت بازنگری در قوانین مرتبط با فعالیت‌های صنفی تأکید دارد و پیشنهاد می‌دهد که اصلاحات ساختاری برای تقویت نقش احزاب کارگری در فرآیند سیاست‌گذاری انجام شود.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217937_8d1d3ee77df66e937b3fed4ae93e825d.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The Diversity of Approaches to Maritime Piracy: The Commodification of Security by the West vs. Iran’s Anti-Hegemonic Perspective تنوع رویکردی به دزدی دریایی(تقابل کالایی سازی امنیت توسط غرب و نگرش ضد سلطه ج.ا. ایران) 147 172 217938 FA احسان فلاح نژاد گروه حقوق بین الملل، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران سوده شاملو استادیار و مدیر گروه حقوق بین الملل، دانشکده حقوق دانشگاه آزاد واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران( صادق سلیمی گروه حقوق بین الملل، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد تهران مرکزی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 08 13 States, as entities within the international political order, possess both rights and obligations but may also be subjected to violations of these rights, effectively becoming victims. One of the longstanding transgressions against states has been maritime piracy. This study examines the contrasting approaches of Iran and the West in addressing piracy, focusing on the underlying strategic differences. The research hypothesis suggests that Iran's approach is shaped by its anti-hegemonic foreign policy, whereas the West, adhering to neoliberal ideology, has commodified maritime security, using it as a tool to reinforce its global dominance. While the West integrates maritime security into its hegemonic strategies, Iran pursues an independent deterrence model, resisting reliance on the prevailing international system. The findings reveal that Iran encounters two types of piracy: conventional piracy, carried out by armed groups in international waters, and state-sponsored piracy, involving the politically and economically motivated seizure of ships under a façade of legal legitimacy through sanctions and detentions. In response to conventional piracy, Iran employs conventional defense and security mechanisms, while in dealing with state-sponsored piracy, it adopts a counter-deterrent strategy that has somewhat mitigated the damages incurred by such actions. Introduction In recent years, international treaties have increasingly emphasized the growing global concern over maritime crimes, including terrorism, drug trafficking, human smuggling, and particularly maritime piracy. The escalation of piracy, especially in regions such as the Somali coast and the Gulf of Aden, has emerged as one of the most significant challenges confronting the global community. As Iran's economy heavily relies on maritime trade, particularly the transportation of oil and petroleum products, piracy poses a direct threat to its national interests. Maritime piracy has historically been a major international crime, affecting not only states but also non-state actors and the global economy. Today, modern piracy has evolved into an organized industry, employing high-speed boats, sophisticated weaponry, and advanced communication technologies. Pirates no longer discriminate among their targets, attacking vessels of all kinds, including humanitarian aid ships. Given this context, the primary legal challenge in addressing piracy remains the prosecution of offenders and ensuring justice for victims. Theoretical Framework: Iran’s Anti-Hegemonic Foreign Policy Approach Iran's foreign policy is rooted in an anti-hegemonic doctrine, which rejects both Western and Eastern imperialist structures. This principle, known as "Neither East nor West," was established following the 1979 Islamic Revolution and continues to shape Iran’s strategic decisions. This policy framework directly challenges the stability of the international hegemonic order, which is predominantly maintained by global powers seeking to monopolize resources and influence regional policies. In contrast to Western powers, which view maritime security through the lens of economic control and geopolitical dominance, Iran perceives international maritime security as a domain in which sovereignty must be protected from foreign intervention. Consequently, Iran’s engagement with piracy is dictated by this broader ideological framework, influencing its response mechanisms and shaping its maritime defense policies. Maritime Piracy and Its Legal Dimensions Under international law, piracy is considered a severe transnational crime. Historical records indicate that piracy has existed for millennia, dating back to ancient Mediterranean civilizations. Over time, international treaties have sought to codify legal frameworks to address this issue. The 1958 Geneva Convention on the High Seas and the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) define piracy as: Any illegal acts of violence, detention, or depredation committed for private ends by the crew or passengers of a private ship against another ship in international waters. Any voluntary participation in the operation of a pirate ship. Any incitement or intentional facilitation of piracy. However, the challenge remains in the enforcement of these legal principles, as different nations apply varying degrees of prosecution. Some countries, such as France, have actively prosecuted pirates under UNCLOS, whereas others, including the U.K. and the U.S., prefer extradition or trial in third-party states like Kenya. The inconsistent application of these legal norms has created a fragmented approach to maritime law enforcement. The Western Approach to Piracy: The Commodification of Security The Western perspective on piracy largely reflects a neoliberal approach to security, which involves outsourcing protection to private military companies. Notably, some scholars have proposed that piracy-ridden areas, such as the Gulf of Aden, should be privatized and controlled by security firms charging shipping companies for safe passage. This market-driven approach aligns with the broader neoliberal agenda of commodifying security. Despite international legal efforts, piracy remains an unresolved issue due to the reluctance of Western states to invest in consistent legal frameworks for prosecution. Instead, Western strategies focus on deploying multinational naval forces, strengthening regional security pacts, and integrating private security firms into maritime operations. A significant contradiction within the Western approach is the selective enforcement of anti-piracy laws. While global powers invest heavily in countering traditional piracy in the Gulf of Aden, they simultaneously engage in what Iran terms "state-sponsored piracy"—the seizure of Iranian vessels under the guise of economic sanctions. Iran’s Dual Response to Piracy 1. Conventional Piracy Iran addresses conventional piracy through its naval forces, deploying the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Iranian Navy to safeguard its maritime trade routes. In cases of attacks, Iran adheres to international legal norms, cooperating with regional partners and international organizations. 2. State-Sponsored Piracy Iran categorizes Western-led sanctions and ship seizures as a form of "state-sponsored piracy." This phenomenon, executed under legal pretenses, involves the detention of Iranian vessels carrying sanctioned goods, particularly oil. In response, Iran has employed countermeasures, including reciprocal ship detentions. A notable case was Iran’s seizure of Greek oil tankers following the confiscation of an Iranian oil shipment in Greece. These retaliatory actions align with the international legal principle of "countermeasures," which permits states to take reciprocal action against unlawful acts to restore their rights. Iran has also detained foreign vessels engaged in what it perceives as the smuggling of sanctioned goods. These actions serve as deterrents, signaling that Iran will not passively accept violations of its maritime sovereignty. Conclusion Maritime piracy remains a complex challenge in international law, requiring coordinated global efforts to establish effective legal frameworks. While the Western approach prioritizes privatization and selective law enforcement, Iran’s perspective is shaped by its resistance to hegemonic dominance. Iran faces two distinct forms of piracy: Traditional piracy, which it counters through conventional maritime security measures. State-sponsored piracy, where Western nations use economic sanctions as a pretext for detaining Iranian vessels. In addressing these threats, Iran employs both international legal frameworks and countermeasures based on its anti-hegemonic policy. While Western powers seek to monopolize maritime security through neoliberal mechanisms, Iran advocates for an alternative model that resists external control and emphasizes national sovereignty. کشورها به عنوان واحدهای نظم سیاسی بین‌المللی نه تنها دارای حقوق و تکالیف هستند، بلکه می‌توانند همچون اشخاص حقیقی و حقوقی هدف تجاوز به حقوقشان قرار گیرند و به نوعی بزه‌دیده شوند. یکی از جرایمی که از دیرباز علیه کشورها رخ داده، دزدی دریایی است. این پژوهش، با تمرکز بر تفاوت رویکرد ایران و غرب در مواجهه با دزدی دریایی، به بررسی علل این تفاوت راهبردی پرداخته است. فرضیه پژوهش بر این مبنا استوار است که رویکرد ایران، برخلاف غرب، بر مبنای سیاست خارجی ضدسلطه شکل گرفته است. در حالی که غرب با تکیه بر ایدئولوژی نئولیبرالیستی، امنیت دریایی را کالایی‌سازی کرده و از آن به عنوان ابزاری برای تحکیم هژمونی خود بهره می‌برد، ایران تلاش کرده است با اتخاذ رهیافتی مستقل، از وابستگی به نظام بین‌المللی مسلط اجتناب کند و الگوی بازدارنده‌ای را در برخورد با دزدی دریایی تدوین نماید. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که ایران با دو نوع دزدی دریایی مواجه است: دزدی دریایی شخصی، که به صورت سنتی توسط گروههای مسلح در آبهای بین‌المللی انجام می‌شود، و دزدی دریایی دولتی، که در قالب تحریم‌ها و توقیف کشتی‌ها به دلایل سیاسی و اقتصادی اجرا می‌شود و مشروعیت حقوقی ظاهری یافته است. ایران در برابر دزدی دریایی شخصی، از سازوکارهای متعارف دفاعی و امنیتی استفاده کرده و در برابر دزدی دریایی دولتی، الگوی تقابلی بازدارنده‌ای را به کار گرفته که تا حدی توانسته است صدمات ناشی از این پدیده را جبران کند. رویکرد پژوهش توصیفی-تحلیلی است و داده‌ها از طریق روش‌های اسنادی و کتابخانه‌ای گردآوری شده‌اند.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217938_bc05a3971fd18be2bfd07edf769d2f58.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 Digital Media and Structural Power Transformations in Iran: From Centralization to Decentralization رسانه‌ های دیجیتال و تحولات ساختاری قدرت در ایران؛ از تمرکز به پراکندگی 173 202 217939 FA مهدی آقاپور بیشک استادیار و عضو هیات علمی دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 07 12 This study examines the role of digital media in the structural transformation of power in Iran and its transition from centralization to decentralization. The primary research question explores how digital media have functioned as tools for reducing power concentration and enhancing social participation. The study employs a qualitative approach using thematic analysis. The research sample comprises scholarly articles in both Persian and English relevant to the topic, with eight studies selected through purposive sampling. The findings indicate that social media platforms, including Telegram, Instagram, and Twitter, have played a significant role in altering power dynamics, organizing protests, redefining social identities, and strengthening oversight of governmental institutions. Furthermore, the study reveals that digital media have created new public spaces where citizens engage in social and political activities without mediation from formal institutions. However, challenges such as the spread of misinformation, government-imposed filtering, and regulatory restrictions have also been identified, which may impact the dynamism of these digital spaces. The study underscores the importance of effective policymaking in managing the digital sphere and demonstrates that digital media, beyond being mere communication tools, have become a pivotal factor in the structural transformation of power in Iran. Introduction In recent decades, digital media have emerged as a transformative force, reshaping socio-political structures worldwide. These platforms have facilitated new forms of communication, disrupted traditional power hierarchies, and provided alternative spaces for civic engagement. Iran, as a country with a tightly controlled media landscape, has witnessed a significant shift in power dynamics due to the proliferation of digital media. The rise of social media platforms such as Telegram, Instagram, and Twitter has allowed citizens to challenge state-controlled narratives, coordinate political activism, and engage in digital resistance. This study aims to examine the role of digital media in transforming the structure of power in Iran, focusing on the transition from centralized state control to a more decentralized form of public engagement. The research explores how digital media have contributed to diminishing centralized authority and strengthening civic participation. It also investigates the challenges associated with this transformation, including state-imposed censorship, misinformation, and efforts to reassert government control over digital spaces. Main Body Digital Media as a Catalyst for Decentralization Digital media have facilitated a transition from traditional, top-down control of information to a decentralized communication network where individuals actively participate in content creation and dissemination. In Iran, where state-run television and newspapers have historically dominated public discourse, social media platforms have created an alternative space for political discussion and mobilization (Castells, 2012). These platforms have empowered citizens to document and share events in real-time, reducing the state’s ability to monopolize information flow. One of the most notable examples of digital media’s impact in Iran was during the 2009 Green Movement protests following the disputed presidential elections. Social media played a crucial role in organizing protests, spreading awareness, and mobilizing international attention (Howard & Hussain, 2013). Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube became key platforms for activists to document human rights violations and call for reforms. The shift in power from state-controlled media to decentralized digital activism illustrated the potential of digital tools to disrupt authoritarian control. Digital Resistance and Government Countermeasures The Iranian government has responded to the decentralization of power through digital media with extensive surveillance, censorship, and internet restrictions. Authorities have implemented sophisticated filtering systems to block access to major social media platforms, including Facebook, Twitter, and Telegram. Additionally, periodic internet shutdowns have been employed during times of political unrest to suppress mobilization efforts (Morozov, 2011). Despite these restrictions, Iranian citizens have demonstrated resilience by adopting digital resistance strategies such as VPN usage, encrypted messaging services, and alternative social media networks. These tools have allowed activists to bypass censorship and continue engaging in online political discourse. The decentralized nature of digital media has made it increasingly difficult for the state to fully control the flow of information. Furthermore, leaked videos, such as those exposing human rights abuses in Evin Prison, highlight how digital media have become tools for holding authorities accountable. Such revelations have fueled public discourse on government transparency and have contributed to the erosion of state legitimacy. The ability of ordinary citizens to document and share evidence of state misconduct reflects a significant shift in power dynamics, where the government no longer holds exclusive control over information dissemination. Challenges of Digital Media in Power Decentralization While digital media have provided new opportunities for civic engagement, they also present significant challenges. One of the primary concerns is the spread of misinformation and propaganda. The unregulated nature of social media allows for the rapid dissemination of false information, which can exacerbate political tensions and contribute to social divisions. Additionally, government entities have adapted to the digital landscape by deploying cyber armies and state-sponsored media campaigns to influence public opinion. These tactics aim to manipulate narratives, discredit opposition movements, and reinforce state ideology. The digital realm has thus become a contested space where both activists and state actors seek to assert their influence. Another challenge is the potential for increased government surveillance under the guise of national security. The Iranian government has sought to develop a domestic internet infrastructure, known as the National Information Network, to monitor online activities more effectively. Such measures raise concerns about privacy violations and the suppression of dissent. Conclusion Digital media have significantly transformed the landscape of power in Iran, facilitating a shift from centralized state control to a more decentralized model of public engagement. These platforms have enabled citizens to challenge government narratives, organize protests, and document human rights violations. However, the government has responded with censorship, surveillance, and internet restrictions to maintain control. Despite these challenges, digital resistance strategies have allowed Iranian citizens to circumvent state-imposed limitations and continue engaging in political discourse. The ongoing struggle between the state and society in the digital sphere underscores the dynamic nature of power distribution in the modern era. While digital media offer unprecedented opportunities for civic participation and democratic engagement, they also pose new risks, including misinformation, state manipulation, and increased surveillance. Moving forward, effective digital governance policies must strike a balance between protecting freedom of expression and addressing the risks associated with online misinformation. Ultimately, this study highlights the evolving role of digital media as both a tool for empowerment and a battleground for power struggles between the Iranian government and its citizens. The trajectory of digital transformation in Iran will depend on the ability of civil society to maintain access to open communication channels and the state’s ongoing efforts to regulate and control the digital landscape. این پژوهش به بررسی نقش رسانه‌ های دیجیتال در تحول ساختاری قدرت در ایران و گذار آن از تمرکز به پراکندگی می‌پردازد. سؤال اصلی تحقیق این است که چگونه رسانه‌ های دیجیتال به عنوان ابزاری برای کاهش تمرکز قدرت و افزایش مشارکت اجتماعی عمل کرده‌اند؟ پژوهش حاضر با رویکرد کیفی و به روش تحلیل تماتیک انجام شده است. جامعه آماری شامل مقالات علمی فارسی و انگلیسی مرتبط با موضوع بوده و 8 مورد از طریق نمونه‌گیری هدفمند انتخاب شده‌اند. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که رسانه‌ های اجتماعی، از جمله تلگرام، اینستاگرام و توییتر، به شکل چشمگیری در تغییر معادلات قدرت، بازتعریف هویت‌های اجتماعی و تقویت نظارت بر نهادهای حکومتی نقش داشته‌اند. علاوه بر این،رسانه‌ های دیجیتال توانسته‌اند فضاهای عمومی جدیدی ایجاد کنند که در آن شهروندان، بدون واسطه نهادهای رسمی، به تعامل و سازمان‌دهی فعالیت‌های اجتماعی و سیاسی می‌پردازند. نتایج پژوهش بر اهمیت سیاست‌گذاری کارآمد در مدیریت فضای دیجیتال تأکید دارد و نشان می‌دهد که رسانه‌ های دیجیتال، فراتر از ابزارهای ارتباطی، به عاملی کلیدی در تحول ساختاری قدرت در ایران تبدیل شده‌اند.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217939_ded8072639e602498912857df8045190.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 Criminal Responsibility of Legal Entities in Money Laundering Crimes in the Islamic Republic of Iran بررسی پدیده پولشویی اشخاص حقوقی در نظام حقوقی ایران 203 230 217940 FA محمد موسی پور دانشجوی دکتری تخصصی حقوق کیفری و جرم شناسی،واحد یاسوج، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، یاسوج، ایران. علی جانی پور گروه حقوق، واحد یاسوج،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، یاسوج، ایران (نویسنده مسئول) کرم جانی پور گروه حقوق، واحد یاسوج،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، یاسوج، ایران Journal Article 2024 06 14 The criminal liability of legal entities in various legal systems, particularly in the context of money laundering, is one of the significant and challenging issues. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the legislator has taken notable steps by recognizing the criminal liability of legal entities in the Islamic Penal Code of 2013 and its subsequent amendments, especially regarding the fight against money laundering. The primary question of this study is: How is the criminal liability of legal entities for the crime of money laundering defined and enforced under Iranian law? The research hypothesis is that, although the criminal liability of legal entities for this crime has been recognized, it faces challenges such as the difficulty in proving the criminal responsibility of the representatives of legal entities and the proportionality of the punishments. The research method is descriptive and analytical, focusing on examining and analyzing the legal provisions related to money laundering in the Islamic Republic of Iran, particularly the Anti-Money Laundering Law of 2007 and its 2018 amendments. The findings of the study indicate that, while Iranian legislation has made effective efforts to identify and punish money laundering, there is a need for reforms to address legal deficiencies, facilitate the proof of criminal liability, and enhance the deterrent effect of punishments. Introduction The study delves into the evolving landscape of criminal responsibility for legal entities involved in money laundering crimes in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research seeks to answer the critical question: to what extent does Iranian law provide a coherent framework for holding legal entities accountable for money laundering crimes? While international standards such as the FATF recommendations have emphasized the necessity of criminalizing money laundering and imposing sanctions on both natural and legal persons, Iranian law presents a unique combination of Islamic principles and contemporary legislative practices. Theoretical Framework and Objectives At its core, this research is grounded in the theoretical underpinnings of criminal responsibility, specifically the transition from individual-centric accountability to acknowledging the role of legal entities in facilitating financial crimes. The article builds on the premise that the legal recognition of corporate liability represents a significant departure from traditional notions of individual responsibility, especially within legal systems influenced by Islamic jurisprudence. In this context, the research critically examines whether Iranian legal provisions align with international norms while respecting the doctrinal boundaries of Islamic law. The primary objective of the study is to analyze the elements of the crime of money laundering as it pertains to legal entities and evaluate the adequacy of prescribed penalties under Iranian law. Unlike prior studies that primarily focused on natural persons, this research centers exclusively on the corporate dimension of criminal responsibility, offering a nuanced understanding of its implications for Iran's legal system. Methodology This research adopts a descriptive-analytical approach, utilizing statutory interpretation and comparative analysis to assess Iranian laws concerning money laundering and corporate responsibility. Relevant legal texts, including the Anti-Money Laundering Law (2007) and its amendments, were meticulously analyzed to identify gaps and strengths in the existing framework. Furthermore, international standards, particularly FATF recommendations, were used as benchmarks to evaluate the effectiveness and compatibility of Iranian laws with global practices. Findings The research identifies several key findings that highlight the distinctive nature of criminal responsibility for legal entities in Iran. Firstly, while the Anti-Money Laundering Law establishes a basic framework for addressing money laundering offenses, its provisions regarding legal entities remain underdeveloped. The absence of explicit guidelines for attributing liability to corporations, combined with procedural ambiguities, limits the law's practical enforcement. Secondly, Iranian law primarily relies on the general provisions of the Islamic Penal Code to address corporate crimes, which creates inconsistencies when applied to complex financial offenses like money laundering. For instance, Article 143 of the Islamic Penal Code establishes the principle of corporate liability, yet its application to money laundering requires further clarity, particularly in defining the extent of a corporation's intent and culpability. Thirdly, the study underscores the challenges posed by the dual structure of Iran's legal system, which integrates Islamic jurisprudence with modern statutory law. While Islamic principles emphasize individual accountability, the growing complexity of financial crimes necessitates a broader approach that incorporates corporate responsibility. This tension has influenced the legislative and judicial interpretation of money laundering offenses, often leading to gaps in enforcement. Significance and Contributions The primary contribution of this research lies in its focused analysis of money laundering crimes committed by legal entities in Iran. Unlike previous studies that have largely addressed individual liability or general economic crimes, this study specifically examines the intersection of corporate liability and anti-money laundering laws. By doing so, it offers valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities for reforming Iran's legal framework to address corporate involvement in financial crimes effectively. Moreover, the research highlights the influence of international standards on Iran's legislative developments. For instance, the adoption of amendments to the Anti-Money Laundering Law in 2017 demonstrates Iran's willingness to align with FATF recommendations, albeit within the constraints of its domestic legal and political considerations. The study argues that such alignment is crucial for enhancing the effectiveness of Iran's anti-money laundering regime and facilitating its integration into the global financial system. Conclusion In conclusion, the article argues that while Iranian law has made significant strides in addressing money laundering crimes, there remains a pressing need to strengthen the legal framework governing the criminal responsibility of legal entities. This includes clarifying the scope of corporate liability, establishing comprehensive enforcement mechanisms, and ensuring consistency with international norms. The research underscores the importance of adopting a balanced approach that respects Islamic legal principles while addressing the realities of contemporary financial crimes. Ultimately, this study contributes to the broader discourse on corporate liability and anti-money laundering efforts, offering practical recommendations for policymakers and legal practitioners. By focusing on the criminal responsibility of legal entities in money laundering offenses, the research provides a valuable resource for understanding and addressing one of the most pressing challenges in Iran's legal and economic landscape. مسئولیت کیفری اشخاص حقوقی در نظام‌های حقوقی مختلف، به‌ویژه در زمینه جرم پولشویی، از جمله مباحث مهم و چالش‌برانگیز است. در جمهوری اسلامی ایران، قانون‌گذار با پذیرش مسئولیت کیفری اشخاص حقوقی در قانون مجازات اسلامی مصوب ۱۳۹۲ و اصلاحات بعدی، به‌ویژه در زمینه مبارزه با پولشویی، اقدامات قابل توجهی انجام داده است. سوال اصلی این تحقیق این است که مسئولیت کیفری اشخاص حقوقی در جرم پولشویی در حقوق ایران چگونه تعریف و اعمال می‌شود؟ فرضیه تحقیق بر این اساس است که مسئولیت کیفری اشخاص حقوقی در این جرم، هرچند مورد پذیرش قرار گرفته، اما با مشکلاتی همچون دشواری اثبات مسئولیت کیفری نمایندگان اشخاص حقوقی و تناسب مجازات‌ها روبه‌رو است. روش تحقیق توصیفی و تحلیلی است که به بررسی و تحلیل مواد قانونی مرتبط با جرم پولشویی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران، به‌ویژه قانون مبارزه با پولشویی مصوب ۱۳۸۶ و اصلاحات ۱۳۹۷ پرداخته است. نتایج تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که هرچند قوانین ایران در راستای شناسایی و مجازات پولشویی اقدامات مؤثری انجام داده است، اما نیاز به اصلاحاتی در جهت رفع نواقص قانونی، تسهیل اثبات مسئولیت کیفری و بازدارندگی بیشتر مجازات‌ها وجود دارد.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217940_45904afe682666f7134035a7ef9beded.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The Political Theory of Guardianship in the Quran (A Case Study on the Interpretative Theory of Ayatollah Ma'rifat) نظریۀ سیاسی ولایت در قرآن (مورد مطالعاتی نظریه تفسیری آیت الله معرفت) 231 254 217941 FA ساناز کدخدایی دانشجوی دکتری، دانشکده غیر انتفاعی اصول الدین، تهران، ایران، تهران ملیحه السادات سیدرضا دولابی ،استادیار دانشکده اصول الدین،تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 08 15 Following the encounter of Islamic civilization with modernity, various questions and doubts have arisen regarding how modern political requirements can be reflected in Islamic civilization while adhering to its principles. A spectrum of theories, ranging from rejection to renewal, has emerged in response. Among these, the theory of Wilayat al-Faqih represents an attempt to reconcile modernity with traditional Islamic thought. In this regard, this study explores the political theory of Wilayat (Guardianship) in the Quran. The central research question is whether a political theory of Wilayat can be derived from Quranic verses. This study focuses on a specific aspect of this theory: the identification of the ruler of the society and their primary characteristics. The research hypothesis asserts that the civic dimensions of the Quran and the legal verses it contains possess the necessary conceptual potential for formulating a political theory. The findings indicate that, firstly, it is possible to develop a political theory of Wilayat based on Quranic verses. Secondly, this political theory can describe political behaviors, interpret related laws, and prescribe necessary norms. The research approach is interpretative, relying on library and documentary sources for data collection. Introduction The emergence of theories of Wilayat in Shi'a jurisprudence was part of a historical response to the confrontation between traditional Islamic governance and modernity. This confrontation necessitated a theoretical framework that justified political action. The Shi'a ijtihad-based jurisprudential approach argued for the necessity of a Na'ib al-Imam (Deputy of the Imam) assuming the responsibilities of the infallible Imams, setting aside concepts such as Ghaybah and Intidhar (waiting), and advocating radical political action. The Shi'a tradition possessed intellectual tools that facilitated this theorization, including principles such as ijtihad, rationalism, unity, attention to time and place, prioritization of a'ham wa muhimm (essential versus important), and justice. These principles were particularly relevant for developing a political theory. However, the question arose: should political action precede theoretical formulation, or must every action be predicated on an established theory? Islamic history demonstrates three approaches: one prioritizing action, another prioritizing theory, and a third advocating an interactive relationship between the two. Shi'ism belongs to the third approach, historically adopting various strategies, including taqiyyah (dissimulation), reform, and revolution, depending on the political environment. Methodology This research employs a descriptive-analytical method, utilizing Quranic exegesis as its primary tool. The study focuses on three key political verses known as the Ayat al-Thalatha (Three Verses of Guardianship): -Ayat al-Wilayah (5:55) -Ayat al-Ta'ah (4:59) -Ayat al-Imamah (2:124) By examining these verses through the interpretative framework of Ayatollah Ma'rifat, the study seeks to construct a theoretical model of political Wilayat based on Quranic principles. Findings Definition of Political Authority in the Quran The Quran explicitly defines legitimate leadership through Ayat al-Wilayah, which states:"Your guardian is only Allah, His Messenger, and those who establish prayer and give zakat while bowing." (5:55) Shi'a scholars unanimously interpret this verse as referring to Imam Ali (AS), with Tawatur (frequent transmission) confirming this interpretation in both Sunni and Shi'a sources. Criteria for Leadership Ayat al-Imamah (2:124) establishes a key criterion for leadership: "And [remember] when Abraham was tested by his Lord with certain words and he fulfilled them. He [Allah] said, ‘Indeed, I will make you an Imam for the people.’ [Abraham] said, ‘And of my descendants?’ He [Allah] said, ‘My covenant does not include the wrongdoers.’” This verse indicates that divine leadership is conditional upon righteousness and justice, excluding oppressors from legitimate authority. The Obligation of Obedience to Legitimate Authority Ayat al-Ta'ah (4:59) mandates obedience to legitimate rulers:"O you who have believed, obey Allah and obey the Messenger and those in authority among you." This verse underscores the necessity of a divinely sanctioned leadership that ensures justice and societal stability. Interpretative Justification of Leadership Ayatollah Ma'rifat’s interpretative method confirms the Quranic basis for Wilayat by demonstrating that political authority must align with divine justice and be exercised by those possessing spiritual and moral superiority. Conclusion This study concludes that the Quran provides a robust foundation for a political theory of Wilayat. The Ayat al-Thalatha offer a comprehensive framework addressing key political questions: -Who should rule? (Ayat al-Wilayah) -What qualifies a leader? (Ayat al-Imamah) -What is the basis of obedience? (Ayat al-Ta'ah) By employing Ayatollah Ma'rifat’s interpretative approach, this research demonstrates that the Quran not only permits but necessitates a structured political theory centered on divine justice and leadership legitimacy. Future research should further explore the implications of this theory in contemporary governance models, particularly in relation to modern Islamic political thought. بعد از مواجهۀ تمدن اسلامی با تجدد، عموماً پرسشها و تردیدها و تأملات مختلفی درباب این که مقتضیات سیاسی جهان جدید چگونه در تمدن اسلامی، و با توجه به الزامات آن، می‌تواند بازتاب بیابد، طرح شده است. طیفی از نظریات، از طرد و تکفیر، تا نسخ و احیای مطرح شده است که البته در این میان برخی نیز کوشیده‌اند با بازخوانی متجددانه‌ای از سنت به پروبلماتیکهای تجدد پاسخ بدهند که نظریۀ ولایت فقیه از این سنخ است. در همین راستا، این مقاله کوشیده است تا تتبعی در نظریۀ سیاسی ولایت در قرآن داشته باشد. لذا پرسش اصلی تحقیق این است که آیا می‌توان از آیاتِ سیاسی قرآنی یک نظریۀ سیاسی ولایت استخراج کرد. البته در اینجا، صرفاً بر یک بُعد این نظریه یعنی ایضاحِ کیستی حاکم مدینه و ویژگی اصلی آن تمرکز شده است. فرضیۀ تحقیق آن بوده که ابعاد مدنی قرآن و مجموعۀ آیات الاحکامی که در این کتاب مقدس وجود دارد، پتانسیل مفهومی لازم برای تدوین یک نظریۀ سیاسی را دارا است. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان داده است که اولاً امکان تدوین یک نظریۀ سیاسی ولایت مبتنی بر آیات قرآنی وجود دارد؛ و ثانیاً این نظریۀ سیاسی می‌تواند کردارهای سیاسی را توصیف؛ قوانین مربوطه را تبیین؛ و هنجارهای لازم را تجویز کند. رویکرد تحقیق تفسیری بوده و شیوۀ جمع آوری داده‌ها کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی بوده است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217941_8447d0eee27b8de064892cddc4d92af0.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The Social Approach in Criminal Policy in Iran After the Revolution Based on the Gabriel Tarde Model رویکرد اجتماعی در سیاستگذاری کیفری در ایران پس از انقلاب اسلامی براساس مدل گابریل تارد 255 280 217942 FA على اکبر کرمى دانشجوی دکتراى حقوق کیفرى و جرمشناسى، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامى، واحد امارات محمدرضا شادمانفر استادیار گروه حقوق، دانشکده علوم اداری و اقتصاد، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران(نویسنده مسئول). نوروز کارگرى عضو هیأت علمى، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 09 15 The nature of the state, with regard to human nature, from the perspective of some sociologists and political scientists, is in some ways intertwined with coercion and violence (albeit legitimate and legal), to the point that Max Weber believed that the state means a monopoly on the use of force; on the other hand, some thinkers, such as Foucault, consider the institutions of coercion (such as prisons) to be in fact devices for disciplining subjects and have a critical and negative view of them. Therefore, criminal policy and how to punish offending citizens is one of the functions of the state that needs to be considered and re-examined. In this regard, the main question of this article has been whether social approaches have been used in criminal policy in Iran or not. The hypothesis of the article, with reference to Gabriel Tarde's theory of imitation, is that some recent criminal policies, such as the reduction of punishments and alternative punishments, have been adopted or at least can be justified by relying on a social approach. The research findings have shown that not only can part of the criminal policy in the legal system of Iran be theoretically supported by Tarde's theory of imitation, but also, based on the strength of this theory, it is better to re-examine criminal policies in other cases as much as possible by relying on the results of this theory. The approach of the article is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection has been documentary and library-based. Introduction: Imprisonment, as one of the main punishments, creates many restrictions for an individual, affecting their freedom, movement, speech, eating, and sleeping. Although the methods of imprisonment in prisons have changed, these changes do not indicate the absence of restrictions or that imprisonment is not a punishment. In criminal policy, the state is obligated to guarantee the rights of citizens and punish criminals, but the application of punishment can have consequences such as increased crime and the growth of criminal behavior. In modern views of criminal sociology, emphasis has been placed on the reform and treatment of criminals and their social reintegration, which has shown the ineffectiveness of punishments such as imprisonment. Gabriel Tarde, based on his theory of imitation, believes that prison is an environment where criminals can find a model for committing crimes. This is one of the important criticisms of imprisonment. In the Iranian governance system, which is based on Islamic Sharia, respect for human dignity is important, and for this reason, it is necessary that criminal policies, instead of imprisonment, pay attention to alternative punishments. The present study examines the criminal policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this regard. Main Body 1.Gabriel Tarde's Theory of Imitation and its Impact on Crime Gabriel Tarde, a French sociologist and criminologist, presented the theory of imitation to explain the reasons for the increase in crimes and the impact of criminals' behavior on each other. Tarde believed that crime is not deterministic but acquired, and individuals learn it from others. He also emphasized that society is naturally imitating each other's behaviors, and this plays a significant role in the production and proliferation of criminal behaviors. According to Tarde, humans imitate others because they have a social and imitative nature. He even considered traditions and customs as a kind of imitation of the past. In Tarde's theory, imitation, as a cultural and social factor, has a great impact on individual and collective behaviors. Tarde proposed three main laws in his theory of imitation: The Law of Closeness: This refers to the influence of close and similar groups on people's behavior. A person imitates more from those who are in their close environment. The Law of Superiority: This indicates the tendency of lower-status individuals to imitate higher-status individuals. In criminal gangs, newcomers imitate more from veterans. The Law of Fashion: This explains the changes in behavior and the type of crimes based on social fashions. This law states that every crime and social behavior changes periodically, and over time, the type and methods of committing it also change. In this regard, Tarde has discussed the impact of imitation with other thinkers as well. For example, in Albert Bandura's social learning theory, observation and imitation of others are an important factor in changing behaviors and increasing aggression. Tarde also points out that imitation of past and contemporary generations can lead to the transmission of criminal behaviors to new generations. In Iranian society, there are examples of the impact of imitation in criminalization. Such as acid attacks and serial killings, which, due to media attention and highlighting some criminal individuals, become imitated and repeated behaviors. In general, Tarde's theory emphasizes the importance of social interactions and their impact on learning and imitation, and states that humans learn by observing and imitating the behaviors of others, and this can lead to an increase or decrease in crime in society. However, Tarde's theory has also been criticized, arguing that not all social behaviors can be placed under a single concept such as imitation. 2.The Social Approach in Criminal Law In the early days, the implementation of punishments was based on instinctive feelings and revenge, and its purpose was to deal with feelings of injustice and the danger caused by the crime. Hobbes's theory of human nature considers man inherently criminal, and to control these behaviors, the authority of the state and criminal policies are necessary. Criminal policy includes three parts: criminalization, criminal responsibility, and punishment, each of which requires a specific model. These policies depend on the social conditions and the ruling ideology, and usually a main model is adopted in each country to determine punishments. In Iran, a specific punishment model in which punishments are determined for each crime and are binding, especially in cases such as Hudud, Qisas, and Diya, is determined using Sharia and jurisprudential principles. However, in the section of Tazirāt, the government can change the punishments according to the needs of the time and social conditions. These punishments are precisely defined in the Islamic Penal Code and include various types of punishments that differ in terms of type and severity of the crime. Major changes in Iran's criminal policy in recent years, especially in Tazirāt punishments and the use of alternative punishments to imprisonment, have been observed. These changes include reducing the length of imprisonment, reducing the prison population, and using non-custodial punishments such as free public service, cash fines, and deprivation of social rights. Also, the use of new technologies such as electronic ankle bracelets to monitor criminals outside of prison has been raised to reduce the problems associated with crowded prisons and corruption in them. One of the most important developments is the approval of the "Law on Reducing the Punishment of Discretionary Imprisonment", which seeks a policy of decarceration and shows a new approach in Iran's criminal policy. This law not only reduces the punishment of discretionary imprisonment but also includes changes in Hudud imprisonments. The aim of these changes is to reduce the inflation of the prison population and prevent the recurrence of crime by improving correctional methods and using alternative punishments. Therefore, the trend of reforms in Iran's criminal policy indicates a fundamental change in dealing with criminals and the type of punishments, which, instead of focusing on imprisonment, seeks to use corrective and preventive methods of crime. This new approach can help reduce the social and economic problems caused by prisons and generally create a more efficient and humane criminal system. Conclusion According to Weber's theory, the state acts as a device for the use of coercive force to defend the rights of citizens. One of the functions of the state is to secure and guarantee the rights of citizens, which leads to the formation of the state and the transition from the state of nature to the civil state. Criminal policy, including imprisonment, is one of these functions. Although imprisonment is recognized as a deterrent punishment, it has disadvantages that can have negative effects. Gabriel Tarde, with his theory of imitation, believes that many crimes result from people modeling their behavior on others, especially in prisons. Based on this theory, some studies emphasize the need to reduce imprisonment and use alternative punishments. In the new criminal laws of Iran, decarceration policies such as cash fines and electronic ankle bracelets have been introduced to reduce the prison population and prevent the imitation of crime in prisons. ماهیتِ دولت، با التفات به طبیعت بشر، از منظر برخی از جامعه‌شناسان و اصحابِ علوم سیاسی، از جهاتی با قهر و خشونتِ (البته مشروع و قانونی) عجین شده تا جایی که ماکس وبر بر این باور بود که دولت یعنی انحصار اِعمال قوای قهریه؛ از سویی دیگر، برخی از متفکران، مانند فوکو، نهادهای اِعمال قهر (مانند زندان) را در واقع دستگاه‌های منضبط ‌سازی سوژه‌ها می‌دانند و نگاهی نقادانه و منفی به آنها دارند. از این رو، سیاستگذاری کیفری و چگونگی مجازات شهروندان خاطی یکی از کارکردهای دولت است که باید مورد تأمل و بازخوانی قرار بگیرد. در همین راستا پرسش اصلی این مقاله بر آن بوده که آیا در سیاستگذاری کیفری در ایران از رویکردهای اجتماعی بهره‌ برده‌اند یا که خیر. فرضیه مقاله با عطف به نظریه تقلید گابریل تارد این بوده است که برخی از سیاستگذاریهای کیفری متأخر مثل کاهش مجازاتها و مجازاتهای جایگزین با اتکای بر رویکرد اجتماعی اخذ شده یا حداقل قابل توجیه است. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان داده است که نه تنها بخشی از سیاستگذاری کیفری در نظام حقوقی ایران می تواند با نظریه تقلید تارد پشتیبانی تئوریک شود، بلکه بنا بر قوت این نظریه بهتر است تا حد ممکن در موارد دیگر نیز با اتکای بر نتایج این نظریه بازخوانی در سیاستگذاریهای کیفری انجام گردد. رویکرد مقاله توصیفی-تحلیلی و شیوه جمع آوری داده‌ها اسنادی و کتابخانه‌ای بوده است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217942_517633f4deeabac9b93fabc1fefeca80.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 The Abraham Accord and Its Regional Consequences on the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran پیمان ابراهیم و پیامدهای منطقه ای آن برای امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران 281 308 217943 FA محمّدحسن شاه رضائی دانشجوی دکترای گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد اصفهان(خوراسگان)، اصفهان، ایران مهناز گودرزی دانشیار گروه روابط بین‌الملل، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد اصفهان(خوراسگان)، اصفهان، ایران جهانبخش ایزدی استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران ایران Journal Article 2024 06 22 The Abraham Accord, as a historic treaty in the Middle East, primarily focuses on normalizing relations between the Zionist regime and Arab states such as the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco, thereby having far-reaching implications for Iran’s national security. This study seeks to answer the question: What consequences will the Abraham Accord have for Iran’s national security? Utilizing Stephen Walt’s defensive realism framework, this research analyzes various dimensions of the accord. The hypothesis suggests that the Abraham Accord poses new threats to Iran’s national security through Israel’s increasing proximity to Iran’s borders, the militarization of Arab states, and the disruption of the regional balance of power. The study employs an analytical-descriptive approach to assess the economic, military, and political consequences of this accord for Iran. The findings indicate that the Abraham Accord has directly contributed to weakening sustainable security arrangements in the Middle East, pressuring Iran’s nuclear program, and introducing new economic and military threats. Simultaneously, the agreement provides opportunities for Iran to enhance diplomacy and forge regional alliances. Overall, the Abraham Accord presents both serious challenges and opportunities for Iran’s regional strategic positioning. Introduction The Abraham Accord, recognized as a major shift in Middle Eastern international relations, has garnered global attention. Signed in September 2020 between Israel and several Arab nations, including the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco, this treaty has been widely acknowledged as a turning point in regional and global politics. The normalization of relations between these countries and Israel, following decades of opposition and Arab isolation of Israel, has fundamentally altered foreign policy strategies and regional security dynamics. This accord can be analyzed from multiple perspectives. First, its political and diplomatic dimension addresses the transformation of Arab-Israeli relations, paving the way for significant regional and international developments. The changes occurred after nearly seven decades of Israel’s establishment, amid complex crises in the Arab world, including internal conflicts, proxy wars, and economic struggles. Second, the economic aspect of the Abraham Accord is crucial. Facing various economic challenges, Arab states view this agreement as an opportunity to strengthen trade and economic ties with Israel while accessing advanced technology. This collaboration can promote infrastructure development, energy expansion, and innovation in these nations. Another important dimension of the accord is its military and security implications. Security cooperation between the signatories and Israel enhances their defensive capabilities, particularly in counterterrorism efforts, intelligence sharing, and addressing shared threats. This raises concerns regarding shifts in the Middle East’s balance of power and the potential formation of new security alliances. The social and cultural aspects of the Abraham Accord are also significant. This agreement may reshape public perceptions of Israel in Arab societies. Given the historically tense Arab-Israeli relations, normalization with Israel could face cultural and social resistance, particularly in Arab nations where national and religious identities play pivotal roles in domestic politics. Ultimately, the Abraham Accord, as a geopolitical agreement, indirectly affects regional security and stability. While some nations benefit from economic and security cooperation, others experience increased tensions. For countries still committed to their historical positions on Israel, this treaty may escalate political conflicts. Given the above, this study seeks to address the key question: What impact will the Abraham Accord have on Iran’s national security? Theoretical Framework Realist theories have long dominated the study of international relations, with the Balance of Power theory serving as a foundational concept. However, events such as the collapse of the Soviet Union and the unipolar dominance of the U.S. led scholars to question its applicability. As a result, Stephen Walt’s Defensive Realism and Threat Balance Theory emerged as a more precise explanatory model. Walt argues that nations do not balance merely against power but against perceived threats, defined by factors such as military capability, geographic proximity, and aggressive intentions. In the case of the Middle East, the realist perspective helps explain why regional states align against what they perceive as Iran’s expansionist policies. Applying Walt’s theory to the Abraham Accord, the agreement can be seen as a mechanism through which Arab states and Israel aim to balance against the perceived Iranian threat. The accord facilitates strategic alliances and military cooperation between Israel and Gulf Arab states, thereby increasing regional tensions. Findings Economic Consequences Economic factors were central to the Abraham Accord’s formation. The agreement has significantly expanded trade and investment between Israel and Arab states, particularly the UAE and Bahrain. In 2021 alone, UAE-Israel trade surpassed $1 billion, with projections of reaching $6.5 billion by 2025. Moreover, UAE announced a $10 billion investment fund for Israeli ventures in sectors like energy, technology, healthcare, and agriculture. From Iran’s perspective, these economic collaborations pose a threat, as they: -Reduce Iran’s economic leverage in the Gulf region. -Challenge Iran’s role as a trade hub, especially via UAE. -Strengthen Israel’s economic foothold in the Persian Gulf, reducing Iran’s strategic influence. Breaking the Taboo of Arab-Israeli Relations The UAE was the first Gulf nation to formalize diplomatic relations with Israel, breaking a long-standing Arab taboo. Even Saudi Arabia, while not officially joining the accord, has indirectly acknowledged Israel’s legitimacy. The normalization trend may encourage other Arab nations, such as Oman and Kuwait, to follow suit, further isolating Iran diplomatically. Geopolitical and Security Implications The Abraham Accord has disrupted the geopolitical order in the Middle East by: -Bringing Israel closer to Iran’s borders through security cooperation with Persian Gulf states. -Strengthening military ties between Israel and Arab nations, especially in intelligence and missile defense systems. -Enabling Israel’s military presence in the Persian Gulf, increasing regional surveillance and intelligence operations. Strengthening the Arab-Israeli Military Alliance The accord has enhanced Arab-Israeli security collaboration, focusing on countering Iran. Joint military exercises, arms deals, and intelligence sharing have positioned Israel as a key security partner for Gulf Arab states. The U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) has also integrated Israel into its regional operations, facilitating deeper coordination with Arab militaries. Iran’s Strategic Challenges and Opportunities While the Abraham Accord introduces significant threats, it also presents Iran with certain opportunities, including: -Deepening alliances with anti-Zionist actors, such as Hezbollah, Syria, and Iraqi militias. -Increasing pressure on Arab nations through grassroots opposition to normalization. -Strengthening Iran’s diplomatic outreach to non-signatory states like Qatar and Turkey. Conclusion The emergence of the Abraham Accord has transformed Middle Eastern alliances, challenging Iran’s regional influence. Israel has successfully leveraged the agreement to bolster its security ties and economic partnerships, while Arab states have capitalized on Israeli technology and defense cooperation. The agreement’s implications for Iran include increased diplomatic isolation, economic competition, and military threats. However, Iran retains options to counterbalance these shifts, including fostering closer ties with resistance groups, expanding regional alliances, and leveraging public sentiment against normalization. The Abraham Accord, therefore, represents both a strategic challenge and a geopolitical reality that Iran must navigate carefully. پیمان ابراهیم، به‌ عنوان یک معاهده تاریخی در خاورمیانه، به ‌طور عمده به عادی‌ سازی روابط رژیم صهیونیستی با کشورهای عربی مانند امارات، بحرین، سودان و مراکش پرداخته و تأثیرات گسترده‌ای بر امنیت ملی ایران دارد. این تحقیق با هدف پاسخ به این سؤال که «پیمان ابراهیم چه پیامدهایی برای امنیت ملی ایران خواهد داشت؟» و با استفاده از چارچوب نظری واقع‌گرایی تدافعی استفان والت، به تحلیل ابعاد مختلف این پیمان پرداخته است. فرضیه تحقیق این است که پیمان ابراهیم با نزدیکی بیشتر اسرائیل به مرزهای ایران، تقویت تسلیحاتی کشورهای عربی و برهم خوردن توازن قدرت منطقه‌ای، تهدیدات جدیدی برای امنیت ملی ایران به‌ وجود می‌آورد. این تحقیق از روش تحلیلی-توصیفی بهره‌ برده و به بررسی پیامدهای اقتصادی، نظامی و سیاسی این پیمان بر ایران پرداخته است. نتایج تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که پیمان ابراهیم به ‌طور مستقیم به ضعف ترتیبات امنیتی پایدار در خاورمیانه، فشار بر برنامه هسته‌ای ایران و تهدیدات اقتصادی و نظامی منجر شده است. در عین حال، این پیمان فرصتهایی برای تقویت دیپلماسی و ایجاد اتحادهای منطقه‌ای برای ایران فراهم می‌آورد. به ‌طور کلی، پیمان ابراهیم چالش‌های جدی اما همچنین فرصتهایی برای بازسازی روابط منطقه‌ای ایران ایجاد کرده است

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217943_9bc3f57aa7375fac875095884aa73884.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 Examination of U.S. Counter-Terrorism Policy in West Asia and Its Confrontation with the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran بررسی سیاست مبارزه با تروریسم آمریکا در غرب آسیا و تقابل آن با امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران 309 334 217944 FA سحر خاکی نجف آبادی دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران محمدعلی شهریاری استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد بوشهر، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، بوشهر، ایران شهره جلال پور استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران Journal Article 2024 06 18 After the events of September 11, the fight against terrorism was pursued with particular seriousness by the US government, which was manifested in a military form, specifically by the invasion of Afghanistan and then by the invasion of Iraq. As time passed and the imposition of extensive military costs on the US, the country, by aligning its interests with regional allies, identified a range of militant groups in the Middle East and West Asia that were aligned with the Islamic Republic of Iran as terrorists and adopted mechanisms to counter their influence. The groups that were mostly gathered around the discourse of the Islamic Revolution of Iran outside the borders and included the Syrian government, Hamas militias and the political-military group Hezbollah, and then resistance groups in Iraq and then Yemen were added to them. With the coming to power of Obama, the United States of America has adopted a new strategy to repel threats against itself in various regions, which, although not accompanied by direct participation, military presence and open intervention, has a significant impact on the course of affairs. Using the capacity of regional actors aligned with its interests and its allies in West Asia, including Israel, Turkey, and some members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the form of coalitions, having military bases, and involving them in the counterterrorism program and remote management, has created a new approach to maintaining its influence in West Asia. This approach has created confrontations, given the presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran as an effective actor in the region and having multiple interests and state and non-state actors fighting for their independence and popular and ideological power. Some of these confrontations are threats to Iran's national security, which is defined beyond borders and has placed the fight against tyranny and support for oppressed and Muslim nations in its foreign policy agenda. In this regard, the present study seeks to examine the US counterterrorism policy in West Asia and discuss its relationship with the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The necessity for conducting such research is to identify the hidden threats of America by involving its allies in the region and confronting them, which is pursued in the form of coalitions and alliances or military and civilian agreements between America and its allies. If this procedure is not managed wisely, it will put the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the region at risk, which requires identification and confrontation. In this article, a descriptive-analytical method and library tools have been used. Main body The US counter-terrorism policy has been pursued in two ways: military and direct intervention (Bush era) and remote balancing or offshore balancing strategy (after Obama era). The latter strategy has been pursued to repel threats in strategic regions such as West Asia, which is considered part of the Middle East, by involving actors aligned with US interests, creating coalitions and alliances, reducing direct and military intervention of the US, and minimizing the costs of this country. Within the framework of this strategy, transferring responsibility to allies, preventing the rise of US enemies, has found concrete expression in the form of a counter-terrorism program against governments or non-governmental groups that are not aligned with the interests of this country in West Asia. The present study has shown that preventing the influence and intervention of the Islamic Republic of Iran and trying to weaken governmental and non-governmental actors aligned with Iran, promoting Iran phobia and Shiaphobia, and presenting the axis of resistance as a threat are part of the US strategies to legitimize the fight against terrorism in West Asia. The results of this strategy, which has been pursued by balancing the threat against America’s enemies in the region, namely Iran and its allies, lead to the weakening of Iran’s national security from the perspective of weakening its allies in the region. Activating the confrontation between Sunni and Shiite groups to weaken the axis of resistance is also another part of this American approach, which is implemented in the form of offshore balancing and remote management and the participation of American allies such as Israel, Saudi Arabia, members of the Gulf Cooperation Council and Turkey. Establishing a military base, using the capacity and influence of Saudi Arabia and Turkey, and trying to align the Lebanese government to weaken Hezbollah’s position and military support for Israel to target the axis of resistance have become possible within the framework of the offshore balancing strategy and without direct American military intervention. Conclusion The results of the study showed that the continued presence of the United States in the West Asian region to combat terrorism during the Obama era and after it, avoiding war and militarism while managing the political and economic affairs of the region with the help of its partners and allies, which has been manifested in the form of an offshore balancing strategy. Within the framework of this strategy, remote management tactics, entrusting regional affairs to regional allies, and effective presence in coalitions and alliances aligned with American interests in West Asia have challenged the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In accordance with this strategy and to satisfy its allies in the region, the United States refers to Hamas, Hezbollah, and other jihadist groups in the region as terrorism, while at the same time supporting countries in the Middle East that fight against groups aligned with Iran. The recent practice of the United States is in conflict with the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is linked to the axis of resistance outside its borders. پژوهش حاضر با طرح این سؤال که سیاست مبارزه با تروریسم امریکا از چه راههایی بر امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران اثرگذار است؟ نسبت به استراتژی کلان امریکا پس از دوران بوش در قبال تروریسم پرداخته که بر امنیت ایران اثرگذار بوده است. نتایج تحقیق نشان داد که با مطرح شدن استراتژی توازن فراساحلی، رویکرد دولتهای امریکا پس از به قدرت رسیدن اوباما با هدف اجتناب از جنگ و نظامیگری و در عین حال مدیریت امور سیاسی و اقتصادی مناطق حساس از جمله خاورمیانه بوده است. همچنین سیاست مبارزه با تروریسم امریکا در چارچوب استراتژی موازنه فراساحلی یا مدیریت از راه دور، با فعال کردن نقش متحدان منطقهای، واگذاری امور به ائتلافها و اتحادهای همسو با منافع خود در منطقه غرب آسیا، امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران را با چالش روبرو کرده است. امریکا به طور غیرمستقیم از بازیگران غیردولتی همسو با ایران نظیر حماس، حزبالله و سایر گروههای جهادی در منطقه تحت عنوان تروریسم یاد میکند و در عین حال حامی کشورهایی در منطقه خاورمیانه است که بر علیه گروههای همسو با ایران میجنگند و یا گروههای تکفیری را مورد حمایت قرار میدهند. رویه اخیر امریکا در تضاد با امنیت ملی ج. ا. ایران است که با محور مقاومت در خارج از مرزها پیوند خورده است. در مقاله حاضر از روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و ابزار کتابخانهای استفاده شده است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217944_eac2c104ef9c815cd992bb9b886a31f1.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 03 16 Policy-Making of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Preventing Drug-Related Crimes with an Emphasis on Data Mining سیاست گذاری جمهوری اسلامی ایران در پیشگیری از جرایم مربوط به مواد مخدر با تاکید بر دانش داده کاوی 335 368 217945 FA محمد قاسمی دانشجوی دکترای حقوق جزا و جرم شناسی، گروه حقوق، واحد اصفهان (خوراسگان)، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، اصفهان، ایران علی یوسف زاده استادیار گروه حقوق جزا و جرم شناسی، دانشکده حکمرانی، واحد اصفهان (خوراسگان)، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، اصفهان، ایران محمدرضا شادمان فر استادیار گروه حقوق، دانشکده علوم اداری و اقتصاد، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2024 11 05 The issue of drug-related crimes is a critical challenge for societies worldwide, requiring comprehensive prevention strategies beyond punitive measures. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, traditional criminal justice approaches have proven insufficient in curbing drug-related offenses, necessitating the adoption of advanced predictive and preventive methodologies. This study explores the application of data mining techniques in forecasting and preventing drug-related crimes. By analyzing 1,885 judicial cases from Shahriar’s criminal records, this research assesses the effectiveness of machine learning algorithms in identifying criminal patterns and enabling law enforcement agencies to make data-driven decisions. Methodology and Data Collection This study adopts a quantitative research approach, utilizing secondary data analysis. A reverse questionnaire technique was employed to extract structured data from judicial case files. To validate the research instrument, qualitative content validity was applied, while reliability testing indicated a coefficient of 0.80, confirming the consistency of the dataset. A comparative analysis of seven machine learning models, including random forest, naïve Bayes, logistic regression, J48 decision trees, artificial neural networks, fuzzy-neural networks, and multi-stage optimization, was conducted to determine the most effective classification model. Findings and Discussion Among the various algorithms tested, the random forest model exhibited the highest classification accuracy, significantly outperforming other predictive models in categorizing drug-related offenses. The study identified gender as the most influential demographic factor in drug-related crimes, with a statistically significant difference observed between male and female offenders. Furthermore, age and education levels played a crucial role in determining the likelihood of criminal involvement, with individuals aged 18-24 and those with a bachelor's degree representing the most prevalent offender demographic. The analysis of crime duration patterns for different substances revealed varying trends in drug use and criminal behavior. For instance, offenses related to cannabis were more frequently recorded, while crimes involving crack cocaine were among the least prevalent. Additionally, the study found that 51.78% of offenders had no prior record of amphetamine-related crimes, whereas 24.56% had committed cannabis-related offenses within a single day before their arrest. These insights demonstrate the potential of data mining in uncovering hidden patterns and guiding law enforcement in allocating resources effectively. Theoretical Framework: Proactive Criminal Policy The study aligns with the theory of proactive criminal policy, which emphasizes preemptive crime prevention rather than reactive punitive measures. The inadequacy of deterrent policies and the ineffectiveness of extreme punitive measures (such as the death penalty) in reducing drug-related crimes highlight the necessity of preemptive interventions. Data mining techniques facilitate such proactive strategies by enabling authorities to identify high-risk individuals and regions, thereby optimizing the deployment of preventive measures and social interventions. Implications for Law Enforcement and Policy-Making The integration of data mining in criminal justice systems presents multiple advantages, including: -Enhanced Predictive Capabilities: The ability to forecast drug-related offenses based on historical data allows for preemptive interventions. -Cost-Effective Resource Allocation: Targeting high-risk areas and individuals reduces operational costs while maximizing law enforcement efficiency. -Improved Decision-Making: Data-driven insights enable judicial and law enforcement agencies to formulate evidence-based policies rather than relying on conventional intuition-based methods. -Support for Rehabilitation Strategies: By identifying offenders at risk of recidivism, rehabilitation programs can be tailored to specific demographic and behavioral patterns. Conclusion The findings indicate that machine learning models, particularly random forest algorithms, significantly improve the accuracy of crime forecasting. The study underscores the necessity of data-driven policing as an essential component of crime prevention strategies. Additionally, it advocates for a shift from punitive to restorative justice approaches, where rehabilitative interventions play a key role in reducing drug-related offenses. Future research should explore the integration of real-time data analytics and AI-powered surveillance systems to further enhance crime prediction and prevention capabilities. پژوهش حاضر در صدد مطالعه «پیش بینی و پیشگیری از جرایم مواد مخدر بر مبنای دانش داده کاوی» است از این منظر پس از بسط فضای مفهومی موضوع از راهبرد پژوهش کمی از نوع تحلیل ثانویه استفاده شده است بدین ترتیب که با در اختیار داشتن چک لیست یا ابزار پرسشنامهی معکوس از روی 1885 پرونده از پروندههای قضایی مجرمان موجود در اجرای احکام شهرستان شهریار گردآوری گردیده و مورد تحلیل توصیفی و استنباطی قرار گرفته است در مقاله این سوال مطرح است که دانش داده کاوی از چه منظر میتواند در پیشگیری از جرایم مربوط به مواد مخدر موثر واقع گردد؟ در پاسخ این فرضیه مطرح است که« به نظر میرسد داده کاوی از طریق پیش بینی و پیش گیری از وقوع جرایم مواد مخدر با تمرکز نیروها و امکانات و در نتیجه پیشگیری از آن موثر واقع گردد» جهت اعتبار سنجی ابزار پژوهش از اعتبار محتوای صوری کیفی استفاده شده و همچنین جهت پایایی سنجی از ضریب پایایی بهره گرفته و مقدار آن 8 دهم برآورد شده است یافتههای تحقیق نشان میدهد که میان انواع الگوریتمهای به کار گرفته شده الگوریتم جنگل تصادفی بیشترین و دقیقترین الگوریتم در کلاس بندی دادهها بوده است علاوه بر آن جرائم مواد مخدر بیشتر تحت تاثیر متغییر جنسیت قرار داشته است که اختلاف معنی داری را بین زنان و مردان نشان میدهد. نتیجهگیری مقاله نشان میدهد که طراحی سیستم های تصمیم یار برای پش بینی و پیشگیری جرایم مربوط به مواد مخدر می تواند به خوبی به پلیس در تصمیم گیری کمک شایانی نمایند.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_217945_e8acde5aeadc76bab05dc26544259d2a.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 18 69 2025 02 19 The Application of Emerging Technologies in Strengthening Health Diplomacy and Crisis Policy-Making in Iran Inspired by COVID-19 کاربرد فناوری‌های نوین در تقویت دیپلماسی سلامت و سیاستگذاری بحران در ایران با الهام از کووید 19 369 395 228642 FA سید مجید غیاثی دانشجوی دکتری حقوق عمومی، واحد سمنان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سمنان ، ایران علیرضا صابریان استادیار گروه فقه و مبانی حقوق، واحد سمنان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سمنان، ایران‌ علی محمودی گروه حقوق و علوم سیاسی، واحد پرند، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، پرند، ایران Journal Article 2024 05 14 This study, focusing on Iran’s experience during the COVID-19 pandemic, examines the role of emerging technologies in enhancing health diplomacy and crisis policy-making. The main problem addressed is that despite Iran’s indigenous capacity in drug and vaccine production and its extensive primary health care network, the country failed to secure an effective position in global health governance and international interactions. The central research question asks how emerging technologies—such as artificial intelligence, big data, and telemedicine—can be employed to strengthen health diplomacy and crisis management in Iran. The purpose of the study is to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of Iran’s health policies during the COVID-19 crisis and to provide strategies for linking technological innovation with international health policy-making. The main hypothesis is that the systematic use of emerging technologies can, while enhancing domestic responsiveness, foster international trust and strengthen Iran’s position in global health governance. The methodology is descriptive-analytical, relying on library and documentary sources. The findings reveal that institutional incoherence, the dominance of security-oriented approaches, and sanctions impeded the full utilization of technological capacities. Nevertheless, experiences such as domestic vaccine production, the use of digital platforms to monitor patients, and the involvement of civil society highlight significant potential which, if supported by proper policy-making, can contribute to strengthening Iran’s health diplomacy. Introduction The COVID-19 pandemic represented a turning point in global health governance, revealing both the vulnerabilities and capacities of national health systems. Like many other countries, Iran faced a multifaceted and unprecedented challenge that intertwined health, politics, technology, and international relations. The first confirmed cases were detected in Qom and rapidly spread nationwide. Iran’s health system, despite its historical achievements in vaccination campaigns and the wide-reaching primary health care network, encountered severe limitations due to international sanctions, shortages of medical equipment, institutional fragmentation, and the dominance of securitized approaches over health-driven decisions. Under these circumstances, the role of emerging technologies and health diplomacy became even more vital. The central research question of this study is how emerging technologies—such as artificial intelligence (AI), big data analytics, and telemedicine—can strengthen health diplomacy and crisis policy-making in Iran. The significance of this question lies in the paradox that although Iran demonstrated indigenous capacity in drug and vaccine production, it was unable to secure an influential role in global health governance. The main objective of the study is to analyze Iran’s COVID-19 experience, identify strengths and weaknesses, and propose pathways to link technological innovation with international health policy-making. Main Body Emerging technologies during COVID-19 proved to be indispensable tools for crisis management. Countries that effectively utilized big data analytics for tracking cases, predicting epidemiological patterns, and allocating resources succeeded in slowing down the spread of the virus. Iran, to some extent, employed digital platforms for patient registration and monitoring. However, institutional fragmentation, insufficient interoperability, and underdeveloped infrastructure restricted the comprehensive use of such tools. Regarding artificial intelligence, Iranian universities and research centers had technical capacities for modeling and prediction, but weak linkages between academia and policy-making prevented systemic application of these capabilities. In the domain of telemedicine, although some initiatives were introduced to provide remote consultation and treatment, the lack of legal frameworks and standardized protocols limited their effectiveness. From the perspective of health diplomacy, the pandemic created a window of opportunity for states to enhance their international standing through technological collaboration. Iran made strides in vaccine development, with projects like “COVIran Barekat” demonstrating scientific potential. Yet, insufficient international trust in efficacy, coupled with sanctions that constrained access to raw materials and distribution channels, hindered the use of these achievements as diplomatic leverage. Moreover, the dominance of a security-oriented discourse in foreign policy prevented health from being institutionalized as a strategic pillar of diplomacy. The Iranian experience thus illustrates that without integrating technological innovation with proactive diplomacy, national capacities remain underutilized in the global arena. Methodology This research employs a descriptive–analytical approach. Data were collected through a combination of library-based resources, international institutional reports (e.g., WHO), and peer-reviewed academic literature. The study applies a qualitative comparative lens to situate Iran’s COVID-19 experience within broader global practices, highlighting both parallels and divergences. This methodological design enables the identification of institutional and policy gaps as well as potential strategies for improvement. Findings The findings of the study reveal a dual reality. On the one hand, Iran demonstrated significant strengths: indigenous production of drugs and vaccines, partial adoption of digital surveillance systems for patient tracking, and the mobilization of civil society and religious organizations to provide community support. These dimensions indicate the presence of latent institutional and social capital that can be activated during crises. On the other hand, critical limitations were observed: poor institutional coordination, the securitization of decision-making processes, the absence of clear legal frameworks for telemedicine, and the economic restrictions of international sanctions. The study also underscores the missed opportunity in health diplomacy. While countries such as South Korea and China leveraged big data and AI not only to improve domestic management but also to project an image of technological competence internationally, Iran’s comparable efforts lacked diplomatic visibility. Consequently, Iran’s scientific and technological contributions were not translated into global trust or influence. These findings highlight that emerging technologies can serve a dual function: domestically as managerial instruments, and internationally as diplomatic assets. Conclusion The overall conclusion is that systematic adoption of emerging technologies can simultaneously enhance domestic crisis response and elevate international credibility. For Iran, the COVID-19 pandemic showed that while scientific and technological capacities exist, without institutional reform, legal development, and an active strategy of health diplomacy, such capacities cannot produce sustainable outcomes. Future health policy-making in Iran must therefore prioritize the integration of technological innovation with diplomacy. This dual focus will not only improve national resilience against future crises but also strengthen Iran’s engagement in regional and global health governance. In doing so, Iran can transition from reactive management to proactive leadership in health diplomacy. پژوهش حاضر با تمرکز بر تجربه ایران در همه‌گیری کووید-۱۹، به بررسی نقش فناوری‌های نوین در تقویت دیپلماسی سلامت و سیاستگذاری بحران می‌پردازد. مسئله اصلی تحقیق آن است که ایران با وجود ظرفیت‌های بومی در تولید دارو و واکسن و نیز برخورداری از شبکه بهداشت اولیه گسترده، نتوانست در عرصه حکمرانی جهانی سلامت و تعاملات بین‌المللی جایگاه مؤثری به دست آورد. پرسش محوری این است که چگونه می‌توان از فناوری‌های نوین همچون هوش مصنوعی، داده‌های کلان و پزشکی از راه دور برای ارتقای دیپلماسی سلامت و مدیریت بحران در ایران استفاده کرد. هدف پژوهش، تحلیل نقاط قوت و ضعف سیاست‌های سلامت ایران در بحران کووید-۱۹ و ارائه راهکارهایی برای پیوند میان نوآوری فناورانه و سیاستگذاری بین‌المللی سلامت است. فرضیه اصلی بر این مبنا استوار است که بهره‌گیری نظام‌مند از فناوری‌های نوین می‌تواند ضمن ارتقای ظرفیت پاسخ‌گویی داخلی، زمینه‌ساز اعتمادسازی بین‌المللی و تقویت موقعیت ایران در حکمرانی سلامت جهانی شود. روش تحقیق به صورت توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که ضعف در هماهنگی نهادی، غلبه نگاه امنیتی و محدودیت‌های تحریم مانع از بهره‌گیری کامل ایران از ظرفیت‌های فناورانه شده است؛ با این حال، تجربه تولید واکسن داخلی، استفاده از سامانه‌های دیجیتال در پایش بیماران و مشارکت نهادهای مدنی نشان‌دهنده پتانسیل‌های قابل توجهی است که در صورت سیاستگذاری صحیح می‌تواند به تقویت دیپلماسی سلامت ایران منجر گردد.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_228642_f30f5f33aba9f19f55a6d68d85c52875.pdf