عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 Structural Challenges in Guaranteeing Citizenship Rights in the Political Systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia چالش های ساختاری در تضمین حقوق شهروندی در نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران و عربستان سعودی 3 28 246947 FA فاضل عبیات گروه حقوق، واحدسیرجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سیرجان، ایران محمدرضا یوسفی گروه حقوق، واحد سیرجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سیرجان ،ایران(نویسنده مسئول) 0000-0003-1504-6696 شهره شهسواری فرد گروه حقوق، واحد سیرجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سیرجان، ایران 0009-0000-0456-5250 Journal Article 2025 10 19 This study examines the structural challenges associated with guaranteeing citizenship rights in two distinct political systems, namely the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The central research question asks at what structural levels the challenges to citizenship rights emerge in Iran and Saudi Arabia, and what similarities and differences exist between the two systems. The study hypothesizes that in Iran, the principal challenges are primarily executive, interpretative, and institutional in nature, resulting from the gap between the normative recognition of rights and their effective implementation. In contrast, the challenges in Saudi Arabia are more fundamental, stemming from the underlying logic governing the definition, stability, and institutional guarantee of citizenship rights. The research adopts a descriptive-analytical method with a comparative approach, drawing upon constitutional documents, higher-level legal instruments, statutory provisions, and relevant scholarly literature. The findings indicate that while Iran possesses considerable constitutional capacity for the recognition of citizenship rights and Saudi Arabia lacks a comprehensive codified constitutional framework governing such rights, both countries face significant obstacles in institutionalizing, supervising, and ensuring the sustainable realization of citizenship rights. The study concludes that the challenges in Iran are largely capable of being addressed within the existing legal and constitutional framework through improvements in institutional performance and implementation mechanisms. By contrast, in Saudi Arabia the principal challenges originate from the broader logic of governance and the conceptualization of citizenship itself, making structural reform considerably more complex. Introduction Citizenship rights constitute one of the fundamental pillars of contemporary public law and play a central role in regulating the relationship between the state and society. Beyond their legal dimension, they serve as essential indicators of governance quality, political legitimacy, accountability, and the rule of law. Despite the widespread constitutional recognition of citizenship rights across different legal systems, many countries continue to experience a significant gap between the formal acknowledgment of these rights and their practical realization. This discrepancy is particularly evident in the Middle East, where political systems are shaped by complex interactions among constitutional principles, religious doctrines, security considerations, and traditional governance structures. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia represent two influential regional powers with markedly different constitutional and political frameworks. Iran possesses a written constitution that explicitly recognizes a broad spectrum of civil, political, judicial, social, and economic rights. Saudi Arabia, by contrast, lacks a comprehensive written constitution in the conventional sense, with citizenship rights being largely defined through governance practices, Islamic legal interpretation, and executive policies. This study seeks to compare the structural challenges affecting the protection of citizenship rights in these two legal systems and to identify how differences in constitutional architecture and governance models shape their respective approaches to citizenship. Materials and Methods This research employs a descriptive-analytical methodology using a comparative legal approach. The study is based entirely on documentary analysis and utilizes constitutional texts, higher-level legal documents, statutory regulations, governmental policy documents, and authoritative academic literature concerning citizenship rights, constitutional law, governance, and comparative public law. The analytical framework is built upon the theoretical distinction between the normative recognition of rights and their institutional realization. Within this framework, the research evaluates the constitutional recognition of citizenship rights, institutional mechanisms responsible for implementation, judicial and administrative guarantees, the role of civil society, religious influence on constitutional interpretation, and governance structures affecting the practical realization of rights. By comparing these dimensions across Iran and Saudi Arabia, the study identifies both common structural challenges and system-specific characteristics. Discussion The comparative analysis reveals that although both Iran and Saudi Arabia experience significant obstacles in guaranteeing citizenship rights, the nature and origins of these obstacles differ substantially. In Iran, the constitutional framework formally recognizes an extensive catalogue of citizenship rights. Consequently, the principal challenges arise at the institutional level, including inconsistent legal interpretation, fragmented implementation mechanisms, limited coordination among state institutions, and variations in supervisory and enforcement practices. The principal issue is therefore not the absence of legal recognition but the transformation of constitutional guarantees into predictable and enforceable legal practice. Saudi Arabia presents a fundamentally different pattern. Citizenship rights are not embedded within a comprehensive constitutional framework but are instead closely linked to governance policies, religious interpretation, and executive discretion. Consequently, the central challenge lies not merely in institutional implementation but in the conceptual definition and stability of citizenship rights themselves. Rights often remain conditional upon political, religious, and security considerations, limiting their predictability, enforceability, and independent legal protection. The comparison also highlights differences regarding the role of religion, civil society, and accountability mechanisms. In Iran, religion functions within an established constitutional framework where the primary challenge concerns legal interpretation and institutional implementation. In Saudi Arabia, religious interpretation constitutes an integral component of governance itself and directly shapes both the scope and application of citizenship rights. Similarly, civil society in Iran operates within a legally recognized framework despite institutional limitations, whereas in Saudi Arabia civil society remains largely state-directed and politically constrained. Results The findings demonstrate that Iran benefits from relatively strong constitutional foundations for the recognition of citizenship rights but continues to face institutional, executive, and interpretative challenges that hinder their consistent implementation. These challenges primarily concern administrative effectiveness, legal certainty, supervisory mechanisms, and the institutional enforcement of constitutional guarantees. Conversely, Saudi Arabia lacks a comprehensive constitutional framework dedicated to citizenship rights. Structural challenges therefore originate at a more fundamental level, involving the legal definition of citizenship, the stability of rights, governance logic, and the absence of comprehensive institutional guarantees. Citizenship rights are more closely associated with executive authority and political priorities than with enforceable constitutional obligations. Overall, the comparative analysis indicates that while both countries encounter structural obstacles in guaranteeing citizenship rights, Iran's challenges are largely reformable within its existing constitutional framework through institutional strengthening and improved implementation mechanisms. In contrast, Saudi Arabia's challenges derive primarily from the broader architecture of governance and the underlying conception of citizenship itself, requiring more fundamental structural transformation for sustainable reform. این پژوهش به بررسی چالش‌های ساختاری تضمین حقوق شهروندی در دو نظام سیاسی متفاوت، یعنی جمهوری اسلامی ایران و عربستان سعودی می‌پردازد. پرسش اصلی پژوهش این است که چالش‌های ساختاری حقوق شهروندی در ایران و عربستان در چه سطوحی شکل می‌گیرند و چه شباهت‌ها و تفاوت‌هایی میان آن‌ها وجود دارد. فرضیه تحقیق بر این مبنا استوار است که در ایران، چالش‌های حقوق شهروندی عمدتا ماهیتی اجرایی، تفسیری و نهادی دارند و ناشی از فاصله میان شناسایی هنجاری حقوق و تحقق عملی آن‌ها هستند، در حالی که در عربستان، این چالش‌ها بیشتر ماهیتی بنیادین داشته و به منطق تعریف، ثبات و تضمین حقوق شهروندی بازمی‌گردند. روش تحقیق، توصیفی ـ تحلیلی با رویکرد تطبیقی است که با استفاده از تحلیل اسناد بالادستی، قانون اساسی، متون حقوقی و ادبیات علمی معتبر انجام شده است. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که اگرچه ایران از ظرفیت‌های حقوقی قابل توجهی در سطح قانون اساسی برخوردار است و عربستان فاقد چارچوب مدون جامع حقوق شهروندی است، اما هر دو کشور در عمل با محدودیت‌هایی در نهادینه‌سازی، نظارت و تحقق پایدار حقوق شهروندی مواجه‌اند.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_246947_6d1bdc8e4530149c049564516e0213f7.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 Patterns of Political Elite Circulation in Iran after the Islamic Revolution الگوهای گردش نخبگان سیاسی در ایران پس از انقلاب اسلامی 29 54 246957 FA سهراب خدائی گروه علوم سیاسی ،واحد قم، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،قم، ایران علی محسنی گروه علوم سیاسی،واحد قم،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،قم،ایران (نویسنده مسئول) محمد حسن الهی منش گروه علوم سیاسی،واحد قم،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، قم،ایران Journal Article 2025 12 26 This article examines the patterns of political elite circulation in the Islamic Republic of Iran over the past four decades from the perspective of political sociology. The central research question investigates what patterns of elite circulation have emerged in the political system of the Islamic Republic and which institutional mechanisms have contributed to their continuity and reproduction. The study hypothesizes that elite circulation in post-revolutionary Iran has occurred not through open political competition but primarily through intra-structural realignments among networks endorsed by the central institutions of political power. Consequently, rather than experiencing open elite circulation, the political system has witnessed a limited rotation within the existing ruling elite. Employing a historical-institutional approach, the research is based on documentary analysis, historical periodization, and elite circulation theory. The findings identify four major patterns of elite circulation throughout the post-revolutionary period: the revolutionary-mobilizational model, the technocratic-bureaucratic model, the populist-security model, and the network-centered centralization model. The study concludes that the resilience of Iran’s political system is attributable less to open elite competition than to the state's institutional capacity to manage, absorb, and selectively incorporate new elites within the existing political framework. Introduction The circulation of political elites has long occupied a central position in political sociology and comparative politics because it reflects the mechanisms through which political systems maintain continuity while adapting to changing political, social, and institutional conditions. Elite circulation extends beyond the replacement of political officeholders; it encompasses the institutional rules, recruitment mechanisms, networks of influence, and legitimacy structures that determine access to political authority. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, Iran has experienced multiple phases of political transformation, including revolutionary consolidation, post-war reconstruction, political reform, populist mobilization, international sanctions, and institutional restructuring. Despite significant changes in governments and political factions, questions remain regarding whether these developments represent genuine circulation of political elites or merely controlled rotation within an established governing structure. This study therefore seeks to identify the dominant patterns of elite circulation in post-revolutionary Iran and to explain the institutional mechanisms that have sustained political continuity despite periodic changes in political leadership. Materials and Methods This study adopts a historical-institutional methodology combined with descriptive and analytical approaches. The research relies exclusively on documentary analysis, including constitutional provisions, legal documents, governmental reports, historical records, and relevant academic literature concerning elite theory and Iranian political institutions. The analytical framework integrates the classical theories of elite circulation developed by Pareto, Mosca, Michels, and C. Wright Mills with the perspective of historical institutionalism. Comparative historical periodization is employed to classify the evolution of elite recruitment and circulation into four major stages corresponding to significant political and institutional transformations after the Islamic Revolution. Particular attention is devoted to institutional mechanisms such as political vetting, appointment procedures, organizational networks, revolutionary legitimacy, and wartime social capital that have shaped elite recruitment and reproduction. Discussion The analysis demonstrates that political elite circulation in the Islamic Republic has followed a distinctive institutional logic characterized by controlled adaptation rather than unrestricted competition. During the first decade after the Revolution, elite recruitment was largely based on revolutionary credentials, ideological commitment, and wartime experience, producing what may be described as the revolutionary-mobilizational model. Following the constitutional revision of 1989 and the reconstruction period, technocratic and bureaucratic competence gradually gained greater importance, although recruitment continued to operate within the established political framework. The rise of populist politics after 2005 shifted emphasis toward ideological loyalty, anti-elitist discourse, and security-oriented governance, while simultaneously accelerating personnel replacement within approved political networks. Since 2013, elite circulation has increasingly reflected network-centered institutional coordination, where political competition continues to exist but access to strategic positions remains largely mediated by dense institutional and interpersonal networks. Throughout all four periods, institutional continuity has outweighed elite replacement, indicating that political stability has been maintained primarily through selective incorporation of new actors rather than comprehensive redistribution of political power. Results The findings identify four distinct but interconnected models of elite circulation in post-revolutionary Iran: the revolutionary-mobilizational model (1979–1989), the technocratic-bureaucratic model (1989–2005), the populist-security model (2005–2013), and the network-centered centralization model (2013–present). Despite substantial variation in political discourse and governing styles across these periods, the institutional mechanisms regulating elite recruitment have remained remarkably stable. Political vetting, appointment procedures, organizational affiliation, revolutionary legitimacy, wartime social networks, and long-term institutional relationships have consistently influenced access to senior political positions. Consequently, the research concludes that the durability of the Islamic Republic is explained less by open political competition than by the state's capacity to reproduce political authority through controlled elite circulation within established institutional boundaries. Rather than experiencing comprehensive elite turnover, the Iranian political system has largely undergone selective intra-elite rotation that preserves structural continuity while allowing limited generational and organizational renewal. این مقاله با تمرکز بر جامعه‌شناسی سیاسی قدرت، الگوهای گردش نخبگان سیاسی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران را طی چهار دهه گذشته بررسی می‌کند. پرسش اصلی پژوهش آن است که نظام سیاسی جمهوری اسلامی ایران چه الگوهایی از گردش نخبگان را تجربه کرده و چه سازوکارهای نهادی موجب ماندگاری یا بازتولید این الگوها شده‌اند. فرضیه تحقیق بر این مبنا استوار است که گردش نخبگان در جمهوری اسلامی نه بر پایه رقابت آزاد سیاسی، بلکه عمدتاً از طریق بازآرایی درون‌ساختاری میان شبکه‌های مورد تأیید نهادهای مرکزی قدرت صورت گرفته است؛ ازاین‌رو بیش از گردش باز نخبگان، با چرخش محدود درون نخبگان حاکم مواجه هستیم. روش تحقیق، تاریخی ـ نهادی و مبتنی بر تحلیل اسنادی، تطبیق دوره‌ای و بهره‌گیری از نظریه گردش نخبگان است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد جمهوری اسلامی چهار الگوی اصلی را تجربه کرده است: الگوی انقلابی ـ بسیجی، الگوی تکنوکراتیک ـ بوروکراتیک، الگوی پوپولیستی ـ امنیتی و الگوی تمرکزگرایی شبکه‌ای. نتیجه پژوهش آن است که پایداری ساختار سیاسی ایران بیش از آنکه ناشی از گردش آزاد نخبگان باشد، حاصل توانایی نظام در مدیریت و جذب محدود نخبگان جدید در درون چارچوب موجود است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_246957_3c873b3a7a690dcc73cd68a6cdc38191.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 From Institutional Multiplicity to Functional Dysfunction: An Analysis of the Supervisory System in the Islamic Republic of Iran آسیب‌شناسی سیستم نظارتی در نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران: از «تکثر نهادی» تا «اختلال کارکردی» 55 78 246962 FA محمد نوروزی گروه حقوق، واحد سیرجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سیرجان، ایران ابوالفضل جعفرقلیخانی گروه حقوق، واحد سیرجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سیرجان، ایران (نویسنده مسئول) 0000-0003-4129-0828 طیبه بلوردی گروه حقوق، واحد سیرجان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، سیرجان، ایران 0000-0002-4064-1131 Journal Article 2025 09 06 The supervisory system of the Islamic Republic of Iran is, in terms of legal and institutional design, one of the most extensive and multi-layered models of oversight among contemporary public law systems. Nevertheless, persistent implementation challenges raise the question of how institutional multiplicity, despite its normative richness, has resulted in reduced supervisory effectiveness and weakened accountability. This study hypothesizes that the functional dysfunction of oversight does not stem from the absence of laws or supervisory bodies, but rather from overlapping jurisdictions, the lack of coordination mechanisms, and weak enforceable guarantees. The research aims to explain the relationship between the institutional design of supervision and its functional outcomes through a structural analysis. Using a qualitative approach, the study employs document analysis of constitutional provisions, ordinary laws governing supervisory institutions, bylaws, and official legal documents. Data are analyzed through conceptual coding. The findings reveal a significant gap between the normative framework of supervision and its institutional performance, indicating that oversight, despite its breadth, has largely become a low-impact and predominantly report-oriented practice. Introduction Oversight constitutes a foundational element of public law and modern governance, serving as a primary mechanism for controlling public power, ensuring accountability, and safeguarding citizens’ rights. In contemporary political systems, supervision is no longer understood merely as an administrative or procedural tool, but as an integral component of governance architecture that regulates the relationship between state institutions and society. The effectiveness of oversight, therefore, depends not only on its normative articulation in legal texts, but also on its institutional design and practical implementation. The legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran places considerable emphasis on supervision. The Constitution explicitly provides for multiple forms of oversight, including parliamentary supervision, financial control, judicial review, administrative inspection, and mechanisms for public complaints. Over time, this constitutional framework has been supplemented by numerous laws and institutions, such as the Parliament’s supervisory tools, the Supreme Audit Court, the General Inspection Organization, and the Administrative Justice Court. At the normative level, this structure suggests a strong commitment to controlling power and preventing abuse. Despite this extensive framework, recurring concerns regarding inefficiency, limited impact, and weak accountability persist. This paradox raises a central question: how has a system characterized by institutional richness and legal density produced outcomes that are often perceived as ineffective? Addressing this question requires moving beyond descriptive accounts of supervisory institutions and toward a structural analysis of their interaction and functional consequences. Materials and Methods This study adopts a qualitative research design grounded in document analysis. The primary data consist of constitutional provisions, ordinary legislation governing supervisory bodies, parliamentary bylaws, and official legal documents related to oversight mechanisms. These materials are treated not merely as legal texts, but as institutional data reflecting underlying assumptions about power, control, and accountability. The analytical process follows a conceptual coding strategy. First, relevant legal provisions were systematically identified and categorized according to their supervisory function, such as authority to investigate, obligation to report, enforcement capacity, and mechanisms of follow-up. Second, these codes were grouped into broader analytical categories reflecting patterns of institutional interaction, including jurisdictional overlap, fragmentation of responsibility, and gaps between reporting and enforcement. Finally, these categories were synthesized to identify structural features contributing to functional dysfunction. This approach allows for the identification of inconsistencies and disconnections between the normative design of oversight and its institutional performance, without relying on empirical case studies or quantitative indicators. Discussion The analysis reveals that the supervisory system in Iran is characterized by extensive institutional multiplicity without effective coordination. Multiple bodies are often granted similar or overlapping supervisory mandates, particularly in areas such as financial oversight, administrative legality, and control of executive actions. While such overlap is normatively intended to strengthen accountability, in practice it frequently results in dispersed responsibility and ambiguous authority. A key finding is the prevalence of what can be termed “report-oriented supervision.” Many supervisory institutions are legally empowered to investigate and report violations, yet lack clear mechanisms to ensure that their findings lead to binding corrective action. As a result, reports may circulate among institutions without producing substantive institutional reform or enforcement. This weak linkage between detection and correction significantly undermines the functional effectiveness of oversight. Moreover, the absence of a central coordination mechanism exacerbates these problems. Supervisory bodies operate largely within their own institutional logic, with limited obligation to integrate their findings or prioritize systemic reform. This fragmentation creates conditions under which supervision becomes procedurally active but substantively limited, generating what may be described as functional dysfunction rather than institutional failure. Importantly, the findings suggest that the core problem lies not in legal deficiency, but in institutional design. The supervisory system is normatively robust but structurally misaligned, leading to a persistent gap between constitutional ideals and practical outcomes. Conclusion This study demonstrates that the challenges facing the supervisory system of the Islamic Republic of Iran cannot be adequately explained by the absence of laws or oversight institutions. Instead, they stem from a structural mismatch between institutional multiplicity and functional coherence. The lack of coordination, overlapping mandates, and weak enforcement mechanisms collectively contribute to a form of functional dysfunction that diminishes the impact of supervision. By employing qualitative document analysis and conceptual coding, this research provides a structural understanding of oversight that moves beyond descriptive institutional analysis. The findings underscore the need for rethinking supervisory design, with particular attention to coordination, enforceability, and the transformation of reports into effective institutional outcomes. نظام نظارتی در جمهوری اسلامی ایران از حیث طراحی حقوقی و نهادی، یکی از متکثرترین و گسترده‌ترین الگوهای نظارت در میان نظام‌های حقوق عمومی معاصر به شمار می‌آید. با این حال، تداوم چالش‌های اجرایی و تکرار ناکارآمدی‌های نهادی این پرسش را مطرح می‌کند که چگونه تکثر نهادی نظارت در جمهوری اسلامی ایران، علی‌رغم غنای هنجاری و حقوقی، به کاهش اثرگذاری نظارت و تضعیف پاسخگویی نهادی انجامیده است. فرضیه تحقیق بر این مبنا استوار است که اختلال کارکردی نظارت نه ناشی از فقدان قانون یا نهاد، بلکه محصول هم‌پوشانی صلاحیت‌ها، فقدان سازوکارهای هماهنگی و ضعف ضمانت اجراهای الزام‌آور است. هدف پژوهش، تبیین رابطه میان طراحی نهادی نظارت و پیامدهای کارکردی آن و ارائه تحلیلی ساختاری از منشأ اختلال‌های موجود است. پژوهش با رویکرد کیفی و با استفاده از روش تحلیل اسنادی انجام شده و داده‌ها از طریق بررسی قانون اساسی، قوانین عادی ناظر بر نهادهای نظارتی، آیین‌نامه‌ها و اسناد رسمی گردآوری و با کدگذاری مفهومی تحلیل شده‌اند. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که نظام نظارتی ایران دچار گسست میان نظم هنجاری و عملکرد نهادی است و نظارت، علی‌رغم گستردگی، به رویه‌ای کم‌اثر و عمدتاً گزارش‌محور تبدیل شده است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_246962_c081be60fa9eecd39146f0c8a7303dc3.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 A comparison of the political thought of the first and fourth generations of the Revolution regarding its founding ideals (Independence, Freedom, and Social Justice), with a case study of Shiraz. مقایسه اندیشه سیاسی نسل اول و چهارم انقلاب در مورد آرمان های اولیه انقلاب (استقلال- آزادی- عدالت اجتماعی)(نمونه موردی شیراز) 79 112 247010 FA فاطمه باقری دانشجوی دکتری علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران محمد علی خسروی استادیار علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران مرکزی ، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران(نویسنده مسئول) علی اکبر امینی استادیار علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران مرکزی ، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 03 05 The purpose of this research is to compare the political thought of the first and fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution regarding the initial ideals of the revolution (independence, freedom, social justice) and seeks to answer the question of what differences have arisen in the attitude of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution regarding the initial ideals of the revolution (independence, freedom, and social justice) compared to the first generation? Karl Mannheim's theoretical framework was used. The research method of this research is quantitative in that in order to obtain the attitude of the first generation of the revolution, it went to the newspapers of 1978 and 1979 and examined the contents of those newspapers A questionnaire was prepared and surveyed to obtain the attitudes of the fourth generation. Finally, the data obtained from newspapers and available data were analyzed The results of the survey analysis were compared. The research findings show that the attitude of the fourth generation of the revolution towards the initial ideals of the revolution (independence - freedom - social justice) has changed and they have been more demanding that the government pay attention to the people of Iranian society than to other societies, and they have been demanding freedom of expression and the creation of social justice. Introduction The generation gap is a phenomenon that occurs in every society in proportion to inevitable social and cultural changes. According to some experts, the generation gap is beneficial and leads to the progress of society, but in societies in transition, the situation is different Thus, because the new values and norms that grow in the new generation are not compatible with traditional beliefs, the field of values becomes a center of instability and crisis Based on research conducted on the generation gap in Iran during the 1990s and 2000s, it can be said that as we get closer to the last years of the 2000s, the value-cultural gaps between the younger generation and adults have increased. And in the 90s, the value and cultural gaps are increasing. The generation gap is worrying because it is deeply linked to the identity crisis. The word generation in a general sense means a group of people who live in the same period and share a common world at the same time It is applied (jajarm.1377:188) Elsewhere, a generation is defined as: a group of people born within a certain time interval and distinguished from each other by specific historical situations and interests at the individual and systemic levels (Rahimi,1390 :188) The term "generation gap" is understood to mean a natural difference in beliefs, values, and norms between generations (Sarokhani and Sedaghati fard ,1388:13) In Oxford Culture, the concept of generation gap is defined as a difference in the attitudes or behavior of young people and older people that results in a lack of mutual understanding between them. According to most theorists, the intellectual and structural changes resulting from modernization lead to a decrease in the legitimacy of traditional reference groups, the independence and individualism of young people, the tendency towards freedom of action, etc. These changes ultimately lead to the formation of a new generation with an identity completely independent of previous generations. This article uses Mannheim's theoretical framework. According to Mannheim, late adolescence is the formative years during which individual perspectives on politics and society at large are formed, and it is only at this point in the life cycle that a vivid and new encounter with the socio-political world occurs that will rarely be repeated in the individual's later life history. Based on Mannheim's theoretical assumptions, a generation that is formed in the course of shared historical action and experience and continues through collective consciousness and memory is a specific source for the value identity of individuals. In this approach, a generation is considered as a group that is linked to a specific awareness of categories such as welfare, justice, insecurity, exploitation, etc., and in the minds of its general population, there is an ideal concept of the aforementioned categories, and accordingly, it has a specific mental preparation and behavior that is often different from previous generations. In Mannheim's view, human society normally undergoes gradual and invisible but fundamental and serious changes, resulting in the emergence of generations with new ideas and thoughts. Given that Iran is a society in transition and the generation gap in it can turn into an identity crisis, extensive research is needed to measure people's attitudes and understand what changes have taken place in people's thoughts, ideas, and attitudes. In Iran, research and surveys have been conducted for several years to measure people's attitudes, including a study under the title "Awareness, Attitudes, and Social and Cultural Behaviors in Iran" conducted by Manouchehr Mohseni in 1995. The aim of this research was to understand the cultural developments in society. Also, three waves of research have been conducted under the title "Values and Attitudes of Iranians", the first wave of which was conducted in 1999 by Abdolali Rezaei, the second wave in 2003 by Mohsen Goodarzi, and the third wave in 2015 by Mohammad Reza Javadi Yeganeh. The aim of all these researchers was to examine the changes that have occurred in the attitudes of the people in society. In these studies, issues such as social values (moral values, social problems, religion, politics), sense of justice, sense of freedom and security, religiosity and political beliefs, and political preferences have been studied. However, due to confidentiality or some other considerations, the text of these studies has not yet been published for public use, so we were unable to mention any of them here. Watching the protests of January 2017 raised the question in my mind: What changes may have occurred in the attitudes of the people in society who have taken up such protests? What are their demands from the government? Are their demands from the government the same as what their parents wanted in 1979? Who participated in the demonstrations and protests during that time? What were their ideals that enabled them to oust the Shah? Of course, we should not forget that our society is not homogeneous and that people in society live in it with different perspectives, and that people's opinions differ from city to city, from small city to big city, and so on. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate whether the fourth generation youth still believe in the initial ideals of the revolution or not. The question of this study is what change has occurred in the attitude of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution towards the initial ideals of the revolution (independence, freedom and social justice)? Our statistical population for this work is the youth aged 18 to 29 in Shiraz, of which 384 of these youth have been randomly selected and assessed. The research method used in this thesis is a quantitative method, in that in order to reach the attitude of the first generation of the revolution in the field of initial ideals, documents and newspapers of the first years of the revolution were examined, and questionnaires were designed and surveyed to examine the attitude of the fourth generation of the revolution. Research method In this study, a quantitative research method was used, in which documents, books, speeches, and newspaper articles from the early days of the revolution that are available in the context of the Islamic Revolution are first studied, and discourse analysis is performed on them to understand what the initial ideals of the revolution were. Because the first generation of the revolution is not currently available to measure their attitudes through a survey, and because their attitudes about the ideals of the revolution were relevant to that time, one way to understand the attitudes of the first generation of the revolution is to use newspapers that were printed and published at that time, In this study, Kayhan newspaper was used and due to the large volume of information and the difficulty of examining and analyzing it, one year was selected as a sample. October 1978 to October 1979 were selected and a few days were randomly selected from each month and the contents of those few days in the month were studied and recorded. The recording was done in such a way that the researcher read the newspaper contents and noted down any contents that matched the questions in the questionnaire prepared for the survey of the fourth generation of the revolution and finally compared the answers that the fourth generation of the revolution gave to the survey questions with the contents written in the newspaper, which included resolutions, speeches, slogans, etc.This is a comparison of the attitudes of the first generation of the revolution, and through this, it can be seen whether the attitudes of the fourth generation of the revolution have changed compared to the attitudes of the first generation of the revolution. A questionnaire is prepared to reach the attitudes of the fourth generation In which we collect data using a questionnaire with indirect questions asked to young people born between 1987 and 1999. To verify the research, first 20 questionnaires were asked as a pilot to young people aged 18 to 29 and the answers they gave were examined to see if these questions were sufficient to confirm the research questions or not. The results obtained from this pilot showed that these questions were sufficient as intended by the author and then the main survey stage of the research was conducted. After collecting the data, we coded them and entered them into the SPSS software and analyzed the results obtained from it. The analysis in this section is as follows: we have a series of questions in the questionnaire that are independent variables such as age, gender, education, economic status, and occupation. They are measured relative to the dependent variable, which is the questionnaire questions. Through this, we can understand what age, gender, education level, economic status, and occupation people have regarding the questions raised in the questionnaire. After obtaining their opinions, we reach conclusions as to whether there is a meaningful relationship between age and gender and their opinions about the initial ideals of the revolution. Finally, we compare these opinions with the content analysis that we have obtained from the newspapers of 1978 and 1979 to find out whether there have been any changes in the attitude of the fourth generation of the revolution towards the first generation. Discussion The thinking of the fourth generation of the revolution has changed compared to the first generation regarding their preference for prioritizing the government, such that the first generation of the revolution believes more in prioritizing independence and freedom, and the fourth generation believes more in freedom and social justice. In the discussion of social justice, there has been no change in the thinking of the fourth generation of the revolution regarding the elimination of discrimination against minorities (ethnic, linguistic, religious), elimination of gender discrimination, elimination of employment and occupational discrimination, gender discrimination, elimination of economic discrimination, elimination of employment and occupational discrimination, and elimination of employment and occupational discrimination, elimination of economic discrimination, elimination of discrimination against minorities. Only regarding the elimination of economic discrimination, elimination of discrimination against minorities (ethnic, linguistic, religious), and elimination of gender discrimination, there has been a change in the thinking of the fourth generation. This generation believes in eliminating economic discrimination, eliminating discrimination against minorities (ethnic, linguistic, religious), and eliminating gender discrimination, but the first generation of the revolution did not emphasize this issue. In the Fourth Revolution, there has been a change in the understanding of the word freedom, such that the first generation of the Revolution understood freedom as more political freedom (associations, parties, political activity) and the fourth generation of the Revolution understood freedom as more freedom of thought and expression. However, there has been no change in the understanding of social freedom (personal status, clothing, occupation) and government freedoms (what the government considers expedient to do). A change has been made in the thinking of the fourth generation of the revolution, such that the first generation of the revolution considers the expansion of political and social freedom in society as their most important patriotic and professional duty, while the fourth generation of the revolution considers the realization of social justice and the prosecution of rent-seekers as their most important patriotic and professional duty. Conclusion The generation gap is one of the most important issues in today's world, which if not addressed can have detrimental consequences in any society. Our society is no exception to this rule, and if it does not pay attention to the differences that have arisen between the new and previous generations, it will encounter problems that can be very costly. One of the ways to find out the types of gaps that have arisen between different generations is through research, especially field research, because this method involves direct and face-to-face contact with people and their opinions on the issues in question are asked. Accordingly, in this research, the author has surveyed individuals and the political thought of the fourth generation of the revolution to see what differences have been created with the thought of the previous generation, the first generation of the revolution. In order to access the political thought of the first generation of the revolution, since this generation was not available, the author went to the newspapers of 1978 and 1979 to access the political thought of that generation. Among the newspapers of those years, Kayhan newspaper has been selected and its text has been analyzed.The results obtained from the analysis of Kayhan newspaper and also the results obtained from the survey of the fourth generation of the revolution show that there has been a change in the political thinking of the fourth generation of the revolution in the context of the main slogan of the revolution, namely independence - freedom and social justice, so that the first generation of the revolution believes more in establishing and strengthening the Islamic Republic system and independence, and the fourth generation believes more in freedom and social justice. Therefore, it can be said that there is a significant relationship between the generation of individuals and their opinion on the main slogan of the revolution, namely independence, freedom, and social justice. The first generation believes in the great influence of the government and political elites in the Islamic Republic system, and the fourth generation believes in the little influence of the government and political elites in the Islamic Republic system. Therefore, the attitude of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran towards social justice (jobs, housing) has changed compared to the first generation of the revolution. The first generation of the revolution believes more in focusing on oppressed countries and communities such as Palestine and Lebanon, and the fourth generation of the revolution believes in focusing on the country and society of Iran. Therefore, the hypothesis that the attitude of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran towards independence (relationship with other countries) has changed compared to the first generation of the revolution is confirmed. The first generation of the revolution believes more in giving priority to independence and freedom, and the fourth generation believes more in freedom and social justice. Therefore, it can be said that the hypothesis that the attitude of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran towards independence (relationship with other countries) has changed compared to the first generation of the revolution is confirmed. In the discussion of social justice, the fourth generation of the revolution's thinking on eliminating discrimination against minorities (ethnic, linguistic, religious) - eliminating gender discrimination - eliminating employment and occupational discrimination, gender discrimination - eliminating economic discrimination - eliminating employment and occupational discrimination and eliminating employment and occupational discrimination - eliminating economic discrimination - eliminating discrimination against minorities has not changed. Only on eliminating economic discrimination - eliminating discrimination against minorities (ethnic, linguistic, religious) - eliminating gender discrimination has there been a change in the thinking of the fourth generation. This generation believes in eliminating economic discrimination - eliminating discrimination against minorities (ethnic, linguistic, religious) - eliminating gender discrimination, but the first generation of the revolution did not emphasize this issue. The attitude of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran towards social justice (jobs, housing) has changed compared to the first generation of the revolution. It is confirmed. The first generation of the revolution is more freedom, political freedom (society - parties - political activity) and the fourth generation of the revolution's understanding of more freedom is freedom of thought and expression. However, in the understanding of social freedom (personal status - clothing - job), government freedoms (what the government considers expedient to act on), there has been no change in the thinking of the first and fourth generations of the revolution. Therefore, the hypothesis that the attitude of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran towards freedom (speech, sexual) has changed compared to the first generation of the revolution. It is confirmed. The first generation of the revolution considers its most important patriotic and professional duty to emphasize and express the expansion of political and social freedom in society, and the fourth generation of the revolution considers its most important patriotic and professional duty to emphasize and emphasize the realization of social justice and the trial of rent-seekers. Therefore, the attitude of the fourth generation of the Islamic Revolution of Iran towards social justice (job, housing) has changed compared to the first generation of the revolution. It is confirmed. هدف این پژوهش مقایسه اندیشه سیاسی نسل اول و چهارم انقلاب اسلامی در مورد آرمان های اولیه انقلاب (استقلال- آزادی- عدالت اجتماعی) می باشد و به دنبال پاسخ دادن به این پرسش است که چه تفاوت هایی در نگرش نسل چهارم انقلاب اسلامی در مورد آرمان های اولیه انقلاب (استقلال ، آزادی و عدالت اجتماعی) نسبت به نسل اول بوجود آمده است؟ از چارچوب نظری کارل مانهایم استفاده شده. روش تحقیق این پژوهش به روش کمی است به این شکل که برای به دست آوردن نگرش نسل اول انقلاب به سراغ روزنامه های سال 1357 و 1358 رفته و مطالب آن روزنامه ها را مورد بررسی قرار داده و برای به دست آوردن نگرش نسل چهارم پرسشنامه ای تهیه شده و از آنها نظر سنجی شده است و نهایتا داده های به دست آمده از روزنامه ها و داده های به دست آمده از تجزیه و تحلیل نظر سنجی با هم مقایسه شده است. یافته های پژوهش نشان می دهد که نگرش نسل چهارم انقلاب نسبت به آرمان های اولیه انقلاب (استقلال – آزادی – عدالت اجتماعی ) تغییر کرده است و بیشتر خواستار توجه حکومت به مردم جامعه ایران بوده اند تا توجه کردن به جوامع دیگر و خواستار آزادی بیان و ایجاد عدالت اجتماعی بوده اند.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247010_27885e24a994e4e92ed3d984b9d6e72d.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 Social Inequality and Crime in Iran: An Analysis Based on Gabriel Tarde’s Theory of Imitation نابرابری اجتماعی و وضعیت بزهکاری در ایران: تحلیلی مبتنی بر نظریه تقلید گابریل تارد 113 138 247011 FA على اکبر کرمى دانشجوی دکتراى حقوق کیفرى و جرمشناسى، واحد امارات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامى، دبی،امارات متحده عربی محمدرضا شادمان فر استادیار گروه حقوق، دانشکده علوم اداری و اقتصاد، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران(نویسنده مسئول). 0000-0003-3235-552X نوروز کارگرى عضو هیأت علمى، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 02 08 This study examines the relationship between social inequality and crime in Iran through the analytical framework of Gabriel Tarde’s theory of imitation. The central problem of the research is to explain how economic, educational, institutional, and symbolic inequalities contribute to the reproduction of criminal behavior through processes of social imitation and behavioral diffusion. The primary research question asks how mechanisms of imitation shape the expansion and persistence of criminal behavior within the context of social inequality in contemporary Iran. The study hypothesizes that the weakening of legitimate pathways for social mobility encourages the emergence of imitative criminal networks, thereby reinforcing deviant behavior and facilitating the social transmission of crime. The research adopts a qualitative design based on theoretical and documentary analysis, drawing upon Iranian and international scholarly literature, official statistical reports, criminological studies, and policy documents. The findings indicate that social inequality promotes criminal behavior by weakening cultural capital, undermining institutional trust, reinforcing peer-based criminal networks, and increasing the attractiveness of illegitimate status models. Rather than viewing crime solely as an economic response to deprivation, the study demonstrates that criminal behavior is reproduced through social learning, imitation, and network-based interactions. The research concludes that effective crime prevention policies should focus not only on reducing economic inequality but also on strengthening legitimate social mobility, rebuilding institutional trust, promoting positive social role models, and interrupting the mechanisms through which criminal behaviors are socially transmitted. Introduction Crime has become one of the most significant social challenges confronting contemporary societies, particularly those experiencing widening social and economic inequalities. Traditional criminological explanations have frequently emphasized poverty, unemployment, or individual characteristics as the primary causes of criminal behavior. However, these approaches often overlook the mechanisms through which criminal behavior spreads and becomes socially reproduced. In Iran, increasing income disparities, urban marginalization, unemployment, educational inequality, and declining social trust have intensified concerns regarding the growth and diversification of criminal activities. While previous Iranian studies have largely examined the statistical association between poverty and crime, comparatively little attention has been devoted to understanding how criminal behavior is transmitted through social relationships and networks. Gabriel Tarde's theory of imitation offers an alternative perspective by conceptualizing crime as a socially transmitted phenomenon rather than merely an individual response to deprivation. From this viewpoint, criminal behavior spreads through interpersonal interaction, social learning, symbolic influence, and network diffusion. This study therefore investigates how social inequality facilitates the formation of criminal networks through processes of imitation and examines the implications of this relationship for crime prevention and social policy in Iran. Materials and Methods This research employs a qualitative descriptive-analytical methodology grounded in theoretical and documentary analysis. The analytical framework is primarily based on Gabriel Tarde's theory of imitation, particularly his concepts of imitation, innovation, social diffusion, the laws of imitation, and relational social interaction. Documentary sources include Iranian and international criminological literature, official crime statistics, reports published by governmental institutions, international organizations, and peer-reviewed academic research addressing crime, inequality, urban marginalization, and social learning. The study synthesizes theoretical arguments with empirical evidence concerning economic inequality, educational disparities, symbolic deprivation, institutional weakness, peer influence, and media environments in order to explain the reproduction of criminal behavior in contemporary Iran. Rather than testing causal relationships statistically, the research seeks to construct an integrated theoretical explanation linking structural inequalities with network-based mechanisms of behavioral transmission. Discussion The findings suggest that social inequality creates favorable conditions for the emergence and reproduction of criminal behavior through interconnected processes of social imitation. Economic deprivation alone does not automatically generate crime; rather, inequality becomes criminogenic when legitimate opportunities for social mobility decline and alternative models of success become socially attractive. Tarde's theory demonstrates that criminal behavior spreads through interpersonal relationships, peer groups, neighborhoods, prisons, and increasingly through digital communication networks. In Iran, structural inequalities weaken institutional trust, reduce cultural capital, and limit educational opportunities, encouraging marginalized individuals to adopt behaviors observed within their immediate social environment. Symbolic inequality further reinforces this process by increasing the social appeal of illegitimate wealth and status. Criminal success may gradually acquire symbolic legitimacy within disadvantaged communities, encouraging imitation by younger generations. The analysis also indicates that prisons may unintentionally function as environments that reinforce criminal learning when rehabilitation and social reintegration mechanisms remain weak. Consequently, crime is better understood as a socially reproduced phenomenon sustained through networks of interaction rather than solely as the product of individual decision-making or material deprivation. Results The study concludes that the relationship between social inequality and crime in Iran extends beyond economic deprivation to encompass broader processes of social learning and behavioral diffusion. Economic, educational, institutional, and symbolic inequalities collectively weaken legitimate pathways of social advancement while strengthening the attractiveness of alternative criminal networks. Peer groups, urban marginalization, media exposure, and prison environments function as important channels through which criminal behaviors are transmitted and normalized. The findings further demonstrate that effective crime prevention requires interventions beyond conventional punitive measures. Policies aimed at reducing social inequality, expanding educational opportunities, strengthening institutional legitimacy, rebuilding social trust, improving post-release reintegration, and promoting legitimate models of social success are essential for interrupting the cycles of criminal imitation. Ultimately, Gabriel Tarde's theory provides a valuable theoretical framework for understanding how crime is reproduced within unequal societies and offers important insights for developing comprehensive social and criminal justice policies in Iran. این پژوهش با هدف تحلیل رابطه نابرابری اجتماعی و بزهکاری در ایران بر مبنای نظریه تقلید گابریل تارد انجام شده است. مسئله اصلی تحقیق آن است که نابرابری‌های اقتصادی، آموزشی، نهادی و نمادین چگونه از طریق فرآیندهای تقلید و انتشار اجتماعی به بازتولید الگوهای بزهکارانه منجر می‌شوند. سؤال پژوهش این است که سازوکارهای تقلیدی چه نقشی در گسترش و تثبیت بزهکاری در بستر نابرابری اجتماعی ایران ایفا می‌کنند. فرضیه اصلی بر این مبنا استوار است که ضعف مسیرهای مشروع ارتقای اجتماعی، موجب شکل‌گیری شبکه‌های تقلیدی جرم و تقویت رفتارهای انحرافی می‌شود. روش تحقیق از نوع کیفی و مبتنی بر تحلیل نظری و اسنادی است و با بهره‌گیری از مطالعات داخلی و خارجی، داده‌های آماری و اسناد پژوهشی انجام شده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که نابرابری اجتماعی از طریق تضعیف سرمایه فرهنگی، بی‌اعتمادی نهادی، شبکه‌های همسالان و الگوهای منزلتی نامشروع، زمینه بازتولید بزهکاری را فراهم می‌کند. نتایج پژوهش بر ضرورت توجه به سازوکارهای اجتماعی انتقال رفتار در سیاست‌های پیشگیری تأکید دارد.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247011_867ece72d6c49a3335c6433a553766b5.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 Examining the Security of Environmental Rights on Sustainable Development with Respect to Upstream Documents after the Islamic Revolution بررسی امنیت حقوق زیست محیطی بر توسعه پایدار با توجه به اسناد بالا دستی پس از انقلاب اسلامی 139 160 247012 FA سمیه رحمانی دانشجوی دکترای حقوق خصوصی، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. حمیده ره انجام استادیار گروه حقوق، واحد تاکستان، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تاکستان، ایران Journal Article 2025 04 09 The present study aims to examine the impact of environmental legal security on sustainable development within the upstream documents of the post-Islamic Revolution era. The findings indicate that sustainable development in the current era has become deeply humanized, and the purely economic perception of the environment at any cost is fading away. Therefore, Article 50 of the Constitution needs to be amended in favor of the right to a healthy environment and sustainable development, and to be placed under the category of the rights of the nation as stipulated in Article 3 of the Constitution. However, from a comparative perspective, it should be noted that the current policies promulgated by the Supreme Leader in the form of the General Environmental Policies, issued in 2015 (1394 Solar Hijri), possess a more specific and objective character concerning environmental issues and sustainable development. Nevertheless, for the existing laws of the post-Islamic Revolution era to effectively support the realization of the right to the environment and sustainable development, they must move beyond generalities—such as treating environmental issues merely as a public right—and shift toward the specification of environmental offenses, the enactment of deterrent regulations, and the increase of the costs associated with committing environmental crimes. In the international arena, pursuing environmental diplomacy is of particular importance for resolving short-term environmental problems (such as dust storms and water shortages) and for realizing a region grounded in sustainable development. This article employs a descriptive-analytical method and utilizes library-based (documentary) research tools. The theoretical framework of the article is based on problem-solving and problem-solving-oriented policymaking. Introduction A healthy environment is today recognized as one of the fundamental human rights and one of the most important pillars of achieving sustainable development. The expansion of the concept of human rights towards recognizing solidarity rights and the rights of future generations has caused the right to the environment to go beyond a purely economic or managerial issue and to be considered as a fundamental human right by legal systems. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, Article 50 of the Constitution has also recognized environmental protection; however, the position of this principle, the way it is written, and the dispersion of environmental laws have created challenges in the path of effective realization of this right. On the other hand, the increase in crises such as air pollution, fine dust, lack of water resources, destruction of forests and biodiversity have made the necessity of reviewing legislative, executive, and judicial policies more evident than ever before. The present study aims to examine the role of environmental law security in achieving sustainable development, analyzing the upstream documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran after the Islamic Revolution and seeking to provide solutions to strengthen the position of environmental rights in the country's legal system. Materials and Methods This research was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and library resources. The research data was collected through a study of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the general environmental policies announced in 2015, related laws and regulations, upstream documents, and scientific sources. The theoretical framework of the research is based on a problem-solving and public policy-making approach; in such a way that, in addition to identifying the most important legal and executive obstacles to achieving environmental security, corrective solutions in the areas of legislation, implementation, judiciary, and foreign policy have been examined. Discussion Despite the provision of Article 50 of the Constitution, the position of this principle in the chapter on economic affairs is not fully consistent with the fundamental nature of the right to the environment; therefore, transferring it to the section on the rights of the nation and amending the language of this principle, including replacing the phrase "any type of damage" with "irreparable damage", can provide more effective protection for the environment. The results of the study also show that the general environmental policies announced by the Supreme Leader in 2015, compared to the existing scattered laws, adopt a more specialized, forward-looking approach and are more in line with the requirements of sustainable development and emphasize the rights of future generations, sustainable management of natural resources and promoting the accountability of executive bodies. However, the weakness in the implementation of these policies, the lack of a comprehensive environmental law, the dispersion of regulations, the low guarantee of criminal enforcement and the lack of effective deterrence are among the most important obstacles to the realization of environmental rights security. On the other hand, limited citizen participation and the lack of institutionalized mechanisms for people to play their role in environmental protection have resulted in social responsibility in this area not being institutionalized in a desirable manner. The research also shows that achieving sustainable development requires considering environmental protection as a public duty of citizens, strengthening public participation, creating specialized and integrated laws, intensifying legal enforcement guarantees, and also developing environmental diplomacy to resolve transboundary issues such as fine dust, marine pollution, and common rights. Conclusion Environmental rights security is one of the basic prerequisites for achieving sustainable development in the Islamic Republic of Iran, and its realization requires structural reforms in the areas of legislation, implementation, judiciary, and foreign policy. In this regard, reviewing Article 50 of the Constitution and promoting the status of the right to the environment as one of the rights of the nation, formulating a comprehensive and specialized environmental law, increasing the guarantee of deterrent enforcement, strengthening public participation and popular institutions, and effectively implementing general environmental policies can provide the basis for achieving sustainable development and protecting the rights of current and future generations. Also, utilizing the capacity of environmental diplomacy in interaction with regional countries will play an important role in managing common environmental challenges and promoting environmental security. In sum, achieving sustainable development requires a transition from general and scattered approaches to specialized, coordinated, and problem-oriented policymaking in the field of the environment; an approach that, while guaranteeing the rights of citizens, also provides the basis for effective protection of the country's natural capital. پژوهش حاضر درصدد است بررسی امنیت حقوق زیست محیطی بر توسعه پایدار را در اسناد بالادستی پس از انقلاب اسلامی به بحث بگذارد. یافته‌ها نشان داده است که توسعه پایدار در عصر کنونی به شدت انسانی شده و تلقی اقتصادی از محیط زیست به هر قیمتی در حال از بین رفتن است؛ از این رو هم اصل 50 از قانون اساسی نیازمند اصلاح به نفع حق بر محیط زیست و توسعه پایدار و قرار گرفتن در ذیل حقوق ملت در اصل سوم از قانون اساسی است.. اما از حیث مقایسهای نیز باید گفت که امروزه سیاست‌های ابلاغی مقام معظم رهبری در قالب سیاستهای کلی محیط زیستی که در سال 1394 ابلاغ شده است، جنبه اختصاصی و عینیتری در ارتباط با مسائل زیست محیطی و توسعه پایدار دارد. اما قوانین موجود در دوران پس از انقلاب اسلامی برای آنکه بتوانند پشتوانه تحقق حق بر محیط زیست و توسعه پایدار شوند، نیازمند دور شدن از کلی گویی از جمله تلقی حق عامه از مسائل زیست محیطی و روی آوردن به اختصاصی سازی جرایم، مقررات بازدارنده و بالا بردن هزینه های ارتکاب جرم در عرصه زیست محیطی است. در عرصه خارجی نیز در پیش گرفتن دیپلماسی زیست محیطی برای حل مشکلات زیست محیطی در کوتاه مدت (ریزگردها و مشکلات آبی) و تحقق یک منطقه مبتنی بر توسعه پایدار اهمیت خاصی دارد. در مقاله حاضر از روش توصیفی و تحلیلی و ابزار کتابخانه‌ای بهره برده می‌شود. چارچوب نظری مقاله نیز حل مسأله و سیاستگذاری مبتنی بر حل مسأله است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247012_810a829154b3fc4845ae8338b1d2c6ee.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 The Role of Cultural Policy in Strengthening Social Cohesion and the Effectiveness of Urban Institutions جایگاه سیاستگذاری فرهنگی در تقویت انسجام اجتماعی و کارآمدی نهاد های شهری 161 190 247015 FA جواد سیفی گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد قم، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، قم، ایران ماشاءالله حیدرپور دانشیار، روابط بین‌الملل، واحد قم، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی ، قم، ایران(نویسنده مسئول) رضا پریزاد طاسرائی استاد مدعو، دانشیار، گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد قم، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، قم، ایران Journal Article 2025 02 08 This article examines the role of cultural policy in strengthening social cohesion and enhancing the effectiveness of urban institutions in Iran, with particular emphasis on metropolitan cities. The central research question asks how urban cultural policy can contribute to the formation of social capital, public trust, and institutional cohesion within urban governance. The study hypothesizes that urban cultural policy, when supported by conceptual coherence, participatory governance, and sensitivity to cultural diversity, can facilitate the development of social capital, increase public trust, and reinforce institutional cohesion within urban management systems. The primary objective of the research is to explain the conceptual and structural capacities of cultural policies in addressing the challenges of contemporary urban governance. The study adopts a qualitative research design based on documentary analysis and draws upon major cultural theories, including cultural systems theory, Bourdieu’s theory of cultural fields, and Lefebvre’s theory of the production of space. Documentary sources consist of policy documents, academic literature, and official reports related to urban cultural governance. The findings indicate that although cultural policies in Iran suffer from conceptual fragmentation and insufficient participatory mechanisms, they possess significant potential for reconstructing social spaces, strengthening relationships between the state and society, and improving institutional performance. The study concludes that redesigning urban cultural policies around the principles of cultural justice, participatory governance, and discursive diversity would substantially enhance both social cohesion and the institutional effectiveness of urban governance in Iranian metropolitan areas. Introduction Rapid urbanization, demographic diversity, internal migration, and increasing social fragmentation have transformed major cities into highly complex social environments where governance requires more than administrative efficiency. Contemporary urban governance increasingly depends upon the capacity of institutions to generate trust, social participation, and collective identity among diverse populations. Within this context, cultural policy has evolved beyond its traditional focus on artistic production or heritage preservation to become a strategic instrument for strengthening social cohesion, improving institutional legitimacy, and promoting sustainable urban development. Metropolitan areas in Iran face multiple governance challenges arising from declining public trust, fragmented cultural planning, and limited citizen participation in cultural decision-making. Although numerous policy documents emphasize the importance of culture, cultural policymaking often remains centralized, project-oriented, and weakly connected to local social realities. This study therefore investigates how urban cultural policy can contribute to strengthening social cohesion and enhancing the effectiveness of urban institutions through participatory governance, cultural diversity, and institutional coordination. Materials and Methods This research employs a qualitative descriptive-analytical methodology based on documentary analysis. The theoretical framework integrates cultural systems theory, Pierre Bourdieu's concept of the cultural field, Henri Lefebvre's theory of the production of space, and contemporary approaches to urban cultural governance. Documentary sources include national cultural policy documents, development plans, Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution policy statements, municipal cultural strategies, scholarly publications, and reports produced by governmental and international organizations. The analytical framework evaluates the relationship between cultural policymaking and three principal dimensions of urban governance: social cohesion, institutional effectiveness, and public participation. Comparative evidence from international experiences, including Barcelona, Seoul, Montreal, and Istanbul, is also examined to identify policy practices that may provide useful insights for strengthening urban cultural governance within the Iranian context. Discussion The analysis demonstrates that cultural policy performs a broader governance function than the administration of cultural affairs alone. When designed through participatory and inclusive institutional arrangements, cultural policy becomes an important mechanism for producing shared meanings, reinforcing civic identity, and strengthening institutional legitimacy. However, the Iranian experience reveals several structural weaknesses, including conceptual inconsistency, fragmented policymaking, centralized decision-making, and limited opportunities for citizen participation. Consequently, cultural policies frequently emphasize symbolic representation rather than sustained community engagement. Comparative analysis indicates that successful international models integrate neighborhood-level participation, decentralized cultural institutions, and continuous dialogue between public authorities and civil society. Cities such as Barcelona and Seoul demonstrate that local cultural councils, community-based cultural centers, and participatory budgeting strengthen both public trust and institutional responsiveness. These experiences suggest that cultural policy contributes most effectively to urban governance when culture is understood not merely as an ideological instrument but as a mechanism for collaborative governance, social inclusion, and institutional learning. The findings therefore support a transition from centralized cultural administration toward network-based governance characterized by cultural justice, transparency, and citizen participation. Results The findings indicate that cultural policymaking in Iran possesses considerable institutional potential but remains constrained by fragmented conceptual foundations and insufficient participatory mechanisms. Existing policy frameworks recognize the importance of culture in urban development, yet implementation often lacks coordination among governmental institutions, municipal authorities, and civil society organizations. This limitation reduces the capacity of cultural policies to generate sustainable social cohesion and institutional effectiveness. Comparative evidence demonstrates that cities employing decentralized governance, neighborhood-based cultural participation, and culturally inclusive planning achieve higher levels of public trust, civic engagement, and institutional performance. Accordingly, the study concludes that strengthening urban cultural policy requires greater conceptual coherence, participatory governance, recognition of cultural diversity, and systematic integration of cultural strategies into broader urban development policies. Such reforms would enable cultural policy to function not only as an instrument of cultural administration but also as a strategic component of effective urban governance and sustainable social cohesion. این مقاله به بررسی نقش سیاستگذاری فرهنگی در تقویت انسجام اجتماعی و ارتقای کارآمدی نهادهای شهری در ایران با تأکید بر کلان‌شهرها می‌پردازد. سؤال اصلی پژوهش آن است که سیاستگذاری فرهنگی شهری چگونه می‌تواند به شکل‌گیری سرمایه اجتماعی، اعتماد عمومی و انسجام نهادی در سطح مدیریت شهری کمک کند؟ فرضیه مقاله بر آن است که سیاستگذاری فرهنگی شهری، در صورت برخورداری از انسجام مفهومی، رویکرد مشارکتی، و توجه به تنوع فرهنگی، می‌تواند به شکل‌گیری سرمایه اجتماعی، افزایش اعتماد عمومی، و تقویت انسجام نهادی در مدیریت شهری منجر شود. هدف از پژوهش، تبیین ظرفیت‌های مفهومی و ساختاری سیاست‌های فرهنگی برای پاسخگویی به چالش‌های حکمرانی شهری معاصر است. پژوهش با رویکرد کیفی، مبتنی بر تحلیل نظریه‌های فرهنگی از جمله سیستم‌های فرهنگی، میدان فرهنگی و تولید فضا، و بررسی داده‌های اسنادی از اسناد سیاستی، مقالات علمی و گزارش‌های نهادهای ذی‌ربط انجام شده است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که سیاست‌های فرهنگی در ایران فاقد انسجام مفهومی و سازوکار مشارکتی مؤثر هستند، اما ظرفیت بالایی برای بازسازی فضاهای اجتماعی و نهادینه‌سازی ارتباط دولت و جامعه دارند. پژوهش بر اهمیت بازطراحی سیاست‌های فرهنگی شهری با تأکید بر عدالت فرهنگی، مشارکت‌محوری، و تنوع گفتمانی تأکید دارد.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247015_869f6f29f8a3e738bfb5c10b6001d4cc.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 Iran's Energy Diplomacy and the India-Pakistan Rivalry: Assessing the Peacemaking Potential of the Peace Pipeline دیپلماسی انرژی ایران و رقابت هند–پاکستان: ارزیابی ظرفیت‌ های صلح‌ سازی خط لوله صلح 191 214 247016 FA مهرزاد دالوند گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران محمدعلی شهریاری استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد بوشهر، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، بوشهر، ایران (نویسنده مسئول) محمدرضا اقارب پرست گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد شهرضا، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، شهرضا، ایران Journal Article 2025 12 06 This study examines the role of Iran’s energy resources in shaping patterns of cooperation and potential conflict reduction between Pakistan and India through the framework of economic interdependence. The central question asks how Iranian energy can function as a stabilizing factor in relations between the two rival states. The article argues that the Iran–Pakistan–India Peace Pipeline represents a strategic infrastructure capable of generating long-term interdependence by linking the economic and energy security needs of both South Asian countries to Iran’s supply capacity. Through a qualitative, document-based method, the research analyzes existing policy documents, regional energy data, and scholarly literature. The findings show that despite political tensions, sanctions, and external pressures, the Peace Pipeline carries the potential to foster sustained economic linkages, elevate Iran’s regional position, and provide incentives for dialogue and de-escalation between India and Pakistan. Within the logic of economic interdependence, the project would increase the costs of conflict and enhance the benefits of cooperation, thereby contributing to a more stable regional environment. Introduction Energy has emerged as one of the most decisive variables shaping regional politics, strategic alliances, and security architectures in the twenty-first century. Countries with abundant energy resources increasingly translate these assets into diplomatic leverage, while energy-dependent states seek stable and long-term supply routes to sustain industrial growth, economic development, and domestic stability. Within this context, Iran occupies a pivotal position due to its vast oil and gas reserves, its geographical location between the Persian Gulf and Central Asia, and its potential to serve as a major corridor for east–west energy flows. For South Asia, particularly Pakistan and India, access to affordable and reliable energy has become a structural requirement for economic expansion. The Iran–Pakistan–India Peace Pipeline, conceptualized in the early 2000s, epitomizes an ambitious attempt to convert shared energy needs into a platform for cooperation among states with historically contentious relations. The theoretical premise guiding this study is the liberal notion of economic interdependence: the idea that deepening economic linkages, particularly in vital sectors such as energy, can reduce incentives for conflict, increase the costs of hostility, and provide a structural basis for long-term stability. Materials and Methods This study relies on qualitative analysis and a document-based research strategy. Primary sources include official energy reports, regional policy documents, diplomatic statements, feasibility assessments of the Peace Pipeline project, and existing governmental and intergovernmental publications. Secondary sources comprise scholarly works on energy diplomacy, economic interdependence theory, and Iran–South Asia relations. Data were analyzed through thematic categorization, focusing on four core dimensions: (1) Iran’s energy capacity and strategy; (2) Pakistan’s and India’s energy demands; (3) the geopolitical dynamics surrounding the Peace Pipeline; and (4) the theoretical implications of economic interdependence for conflict reduction. This methodological approach allows for tracing patterns of political behavior, mapping shared interests, and evaluating how energy infrastructures may transform rivalry into cooperation. Discussion The theory of economic interdependence posits that when states share essential economic linkages—especially in strategic sectors like energy—they develop overlapping interests that make conflict increasingly costly and cooperation increasingly rational. In the case of Iran, Pakistan, and India, this dynamic is particularly relevant. Pakistan faces chronic energy shortages that undermine industrial capacity, domestic stability, and economic growth. India, despite being a rapidly expanding economy, remains heavily reliant on energy imports, especially natural gas. Both states therefore stand to benefit from a stable and long-term supply channel that Iran is uniquely capable of providing. The Peace Pipeline project embodies the theoretical model in which economic interdependence creates a structural environment conducive to peace. As a physical infrastructure requiring decades of investment, joint financing, and continuous technical cooperation, it would “lock” the participants into sustained interaction. Any political or military escalation between India and Pakistan would directly threaten their energy security, thereby raising the cost of conflict. The project thus exemplifies the shift from a security paradigm based on zero-sum rivalry to one based on mutual vulnerability and shared gain. For Iran, the pipeline represents not only an opportunity for economic profit but also a diplomatic instrument for enhancing regional influence. By positioning itself at the center of a trilateral energy network, Iran can counterbalance external pressures—such as sanctions or competing pipeline projects—and expand its geoeconomic role. The pipeline would strengthen Tehran’s bargaining power while reinforcing its strategic relevance in South Asian energy politics. Despite these advantages, the project has faced significant challenges. U.S. sanctions, geopolitical competition, the emergence of alternative projects such as the Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India (TAPI) pipeline, and persistent mistrust between India and Pakistan have repeatedly stalled progress. However, the theoretical logic of interdependence suggests that long-term structural incentives remain strong: energy insecurity in South Asia, demographic pressures, and industrial expansion are accelerating demand at a rate that makes regional cooperation increasingly rational, regardless of political frictions. Even if the project has been paused, its underlying logic remains valid. Results The findings demonstrate that the Peace Pipeline possesses substantial potential to function as a stabilizing mechanism in South Asia. First, it reinforces shared economic interests between India and Pakistan by linking their energy security to a common source. Second, it elevates Iran’s strategic position as a reliable supplier and regional connector. Third, it transforms the Iran–Pakistan–India triangle into a space where energy flows could incentivize diplomatic engagement, reduce the likelihood of confrontation, and encourage incremental confidence-building. The results confirm the central proposition of the study: infrastructure-based energy interdependence increases the costs of conflict and enhances the incentives for cooperation. The Peace Pipeline therefore represents more than a commercial project; it is an embryonic model of how energy diplomacy can be operationalized as a tool for regional peacebuilding, particularly in regions marked by historical hostility and geopolitical fragmentation. دیپلماسی انرژی امروز به یکی از ابزارهای کلیدی در روابط منطقه‌ای و بین‌المللی تبدیل شده است، زیرا افزایش نیاز کشورها به منابع انرژی، وابستگی متقابل اقتصادی را به عاملی تعیین‌کننده در شکل‌دهی امنیت و صلح بدل می‌کند. ایران با داشتن ذخایر گسترده انرژی، در موقعیتی قرار دارد که می‌تواند برای پاکستان و هند، که در بستری از رقابت و تنش مزمن قرار دارند، نقشی میانجی‌گرانه ایفا کند. خط لوله صلح، که از سال 2002 مطرح شده، نمونه بارز این ظرفیت است. پرسش اصلی پژوهش این است که انرژی ایران چگونه می‌تواند در کاهش تنش و تقویت صلح میان دو کشور نقش‌آفرینی کند. فرضیه تحقیق بیان می‌کند که تکمیل و عملیاتی‌شدن خط لوله صلح، به‌عنوان مهم‌ترین پروژه انتقال گاز منطقه، می‌تواند دو کشور را به همکاری، اعتمادسازی و گفت‌وگو تشویق کند. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که در صورت پیگیری یک دیپلماسی انرژی هوشمندانه، صادرات گاز ایران قادر است فراتر از منافع اقتصادی، به ابزاری برای میانجی‌گری و تسهیل مذاکرات صلح میان پاکستان و هند تبدیل شود. روش پژوهش مبتنی بر گردآوری کتابخانه‌ای منابع و تحلیل توصیفی–تحلیلی داده‌ها است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247016_12fef6cac9c54af940c8da2ee092ce32.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 The Role of Great Powers in Weakening the Legal Sanctions Regime: A Case Study of U.S. Sanctions against Iran نقش قدرت‌ های بزرگ در تضعیف رژیم حقوقی تحریم‌ ها: مطالعه موردی تحریم‌ های آمریکا علیه ایران 215 240 247017 FA سوناز نصیری استادیار گروه علوم سیاسی دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران(نویسنده مسئول) حمزه احمدیان کارشناس ارشد حقوق، دانشگاه پیام نور، واحد اربیل، عراق Journal Article 2025 10 12 This research examines the role of major powers in weakening the legal regime of international sanctions. The sanctions regime, originally established within the multilateral framework of the United Nations Charter, was designed to ensure collective legitimacy and coordinated enforcement through binding legal mechanisms. Over the past four decades, however, major powers-particularly the united States-have increasingly used unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions, bypassing multilateral decision-making processes. This study argues that such practices have led to the gradual erosion of the structural, normative, and institutional foundations of the sanctions regime. The central question of the research is: “Through what mechanisms have major powers weakened the legal sanctions regime?” The hypothesis proposes that unilateral measures, extraterritorial applications, disregard for international adjudicatory mechanisms, and the creation of parallel sanctioning frameworks have gradually undermined the coherence and legitimacy of the international sanctions regime. The research employs a descriptive–analytical method and document-based historical analysis, drawing on legal texts, UN resolutions, WTO panel reports, ICJ rulings, and scholarly literature. The findings demonstrate that unilateral actions and parallel regimes have replaced multilateral coordination, significantly weakening the normative basis and legal authority of the sanctions regime. Introduction The international sanctions regime emerged as a central component of post–World War II multilateral governance. Initially, the legal framework of sanctions was firmly rooted in the Charter of the United Nations, especially Article 41, which authorized the Security Council to impose non-military measures to preserve or restore international peace and security. This institutional design intended to ensure that sanctions would be applied collectively, with clear legal authorization and under the supervision of international institutions. In practice, however, the rise of unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions has challenged the coherence of this system. The expansion of the financial power of major economies—most notably the United States—has allowed them to impose sanctions outside the Security Council framework, effectively bypassing the very regime they helped create. This development raises critical questions about the balance between law and power in international relations, the legitimacy of sanctions, and the future of multilateralism. This research focuses specifically on how the structural and normative elements of the sanctions regime have been weakened from within. Rather than examining the political or economic impact of sanctions per se, the analysis centers on the erosion of the regime’s legal and institutional foundations. Materials and Methods The study employs a descriptive–analytical and document-based historical methodology, relying on a combination of primary legal instruments and secondary scholarly analyses to trace the evolution and erosion of the sanctions regime. Primary sources include legal and institutional documents such as provisions of the United Nations Charter, Security Council resolutions—including Resolution 2664—and reports of the World Trade Organization (notably DS512 on Russia–Transit), as well as judicial rulings such as the 2018 provisional measures order of the International Court of Justice concerning the 1955 Treaty of Amity. The secondary literature includes historical and legal analyses on the evolution of sanctions and their use as instruments of power. The analytical process unfolds in three sequential stages aligned with the core dimensions of the sanctions regime: first, examining the formation and conceptual foundations of sanctions as a collective security tool; second, analyzing norm-building and institutionalization processes that establish legal and procedural frameworks; and third, assessing institutional structure and functions with emphasis on mechanisms of implementation, oversight, and legitimacy. This structured framework is then applied to assess how unilateral actions by major powers have interacted with, altered, and ultimately weakened these fundamental dimensions of the sanctions regime. Discussion The sanctions regime, as a regime of international law, is sustained by several key pillars: (1) normative legitimacy, (2) institutionalized procedures, and (3) collective enforcement. Major Powers have strategically targeted these pillars to advance their national interests, thereby weakening the regime from within. First, the rise of unilateral sanctions represents a shift from collective to individual decision-making. Since the 1990s, a growing percentage of global sanctions have been imposed outside the UN framework. U.S. measures—such as the 1996 D’Amato Act, the 2010 and 2012 financial sanctions on Iran, and the 2018 maximum pressure campaign—were not backed by multilateral authorization. This widespread unilateralism undermines the perception that sanctions reflect a shared international will. Second, extraterritoriality allows major powers to extend their domestic sanctions laws to third parties, forcing other states and companies to comply or lose access to critical financial markets. This practice violates the territorial basis of international jurisdiction and weakens the rule-based character of the sanctions regime. Third, the refusal of major powers to comply with international adjudicatory mechanisms deepens the erosion. Ignoring WTO panel findings on security exceptions and non-compliance with ICJ provisional measures, as in the Iran–U.S. case, shows a selective approach to international law, where rules apply to others but not to the most powerful states. Fourth, humanitarian exemptions—a cornerstone of the sanctions regime—have been largely ineffective in practice. Financial and logistical barriers created by unilateral sanctions have rendered such exemptions symbolic rather than functional, intensifying humanitarian impacts and eroding the moral legitimacy of the regime. Fifth, the proliferation of parallel sanctioning frameworks outside the UN has fragmented the once-coherent structure of the sanctions regime. Instead of a single multilateral system, the world now faces overlapping and often conflicting unilateral and regional measures. Results The findings clearly confirm the initial hypothesis that the behavior of major powers has directly contributed to the weakening of the legal sanctions regime. This weakening is neither accidental nor purely political; it is embedded in the very mechanisms through which these powers exercise their economic leverage. The erosion is observable across three interrelated dimensions. First, there is a normative erosion, as unilateralism and extraterritoriality have undermined the shared understanding of sanctions as collective security instruments and weakened their legitimacy as multilateral legal tools. Second, an institutional erosion has occurred through the establishment of parallel sanctioning regimes and selective compliance with international legal mechanisms, both of which have fragmented the coherence of the sanctions system and reduced the centrality of multilateral frameworks. Third, humanitarian and legitimacy erosion is evident in the ineffectiveness of humanitarian exemptions and the inconsistent enforcement of sanction measures, which together have damaged the moral and legal foundations of the regime. These findings reveal a growing gap between the formal legal architecture of the sanctions regime and its actual practice. The result is a fragmented, power-driven structure in which major powers—especially the united States—use sanctions not as collective legal instruments but as unilateral geopolitical tools. This transformation has significant implications for the legitimacy of international law, the authority of multilateral institutions, and the stability of the broader global governance system. تحریم‌ها در دهه‌های اخیر به یکی از مهمترین ابزارهای اعمال قدرت در روابط بین‌الملل تبدیل شده‌اند. رژیم حقوقی تحریم‌ها در آغاز با هدف مشروعیت‌بخشی به اقدامات جمعی و در چارچوب منشور سازمان ملل متحد شکل گرفت، اما در عمل، روند فزاینده اقدامات یکجانبه قدرت‌های بزرگ به ویژه ایالات متحده، موجب تضعیف ساختاری و هنجاری این رژیم شده است. پرسش اصلی پژوهش این است که قدرت‌های بزرگ چگونه و از طریق چه سازوکارهایی موجب تضعیف رژیم حقوقی تحریم‌ها شده‌اند؟ فرضیه تحقیق بر این پایه استوار است که قدرت‌های بزرگ با استفاده از موقعیت مسلط اقتصادی و مالی خود، از طریق اعمال تحریم‌های یکجانبه، فراسرزمینی، بی‌اعتنایی به نهادهای چندجانبه و ایجاد رژیم‌های تحریمی موازی، موجب فرسایش تدریجی مشروعیت و کارایی رژیم حقوقی تحریم‌ها شده‌اند. روش پژوهش، توصیفی–تحلیلی و مبتنی بر تحلیل اسنادی و تاریخی است. داده‌ها از متون حقوقی بین‌المللی، اسناد رسمی نهادهای بین‌المللی و مطالعات موردی گردآوری شده و با تکیه بر شاخص‌های تضعیف رژیم تحریم‌ها تحلیل شده‌اند. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که از دهه ۱۹۹۰ تاکنون، نسبت تحریم‌های یکجانبه به چندجانبه به‌طور مستمر افزایش یافته و قواعد حقوق بین‌الملل در برابر اراده قدرت‌های بزرگ تضعیف شده است. این روند نه تنها بر کارآمدی رژیم تحریم‌ها اثر گذاشته بلکه توازن میان مشروعیت حقوقی و قدرت سیاسی را در نظام بین‌الملل تغییر داده است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247017_04437c92e5d18f4d0fff0bdb52739597.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 Bank Deposits as a Mechanism of Financial Governance: A Political-Jurisprudential Analysis of the Role of Deposits in Regulating the Relationship between the State, Banks, and Citizens سپرده‌ گذاری بانکی به‌ مثابه سازوکار حکمرانی مالی: تحلیل سیاسی–فقهی نقش سپرده‌ ها در تنظیم رابطه دولت، بانک و شهروند 241 262 247018 FA عباس نصیری دانشجوی دکتری حقوق خصوصی،گروه حقوق،واحد بین المللی کیش،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی،جزیره کیش،ایران سعید منصوری استادیار و عضو هیئت علمی دانشکده حقوق و علوم سیاسی، واحد تهران جنوب، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران ایران(نویسنده مسئول). محمدرضا پیرهادی استادیار و عضو هیئت علمی دانشکده حقوق، واحد تهران مرکزی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران ایران Journal Article 2025 08 06 Bank deposits in the Iranian banking system have generally been analyzed as a private contractual relationship between banks and depositors. The central research question asks to what extent bank deposits in Iran have evolved beyond a private contract into a mechanism of financial governance. The study hypothesizes that bank deposits, particularly investment deposits, possess an institutional and governance-oriented nature, and that their jurisprudential and legal legitimacy cannot be explained solely through the rules of Islamic commercial jurisprudence but should also be understood in relation to political jurisprudence, monetary policy, and the public interest in preserving the banking system. This study employs a descriptive-analytical methodology based on Shi'a Islamic jurisprudence, Iranian banking law, the Law on Usury-Free Banking Operations, and an institutional analysis of monetary policy. The findings indicate that concepts such as provisional profit payments (Ali al-Hesab), general agency (Wakalah), and deposit guarantees function less as purely jurisprudential solutions than as policy instruments for maintaining financial stability and public confidence. The study concludes that bank deposits constitute a politico-jurisprudential institution in which the rules of Islamic commercial jurisprudence have been reinterpreted under the logic of financial governance, making reconsideration of their existing jurisprudential and legal frameworks unavoidable. Introduction Bank deposits have traditionally been interpreted in Iranian legal and jurisprudential literature as private contractual arrangements between depositors and banking institutions. Classical analyses have primarily focused on identifying the appropriate Islamic contractual framework governing these relationships, including loans, agency, deposits for safekeeping, and profit-sharing agreements. However, the practical operation of the contemporary banking system demonstrates that deposits perform functions extending far beyond private contractual obligations. They constitute the principal source of financial intermediation, liquidity management, monetary policy implementation, and financial stability. This study argues that understanding bank deposits exclusively through the lens of Islamic commercial jurisprudence provides an incomplete explanation of their contemporary institutional role. The research therefore investigates bank deposits as an instrument of financial governance that regulates the interaction between the state, financial institutions, and citizens while simultaneously serving broader public policy objectives. Materials and Methods This research employs a descriptive-analytical methodology supported by documentary and institutional analysis. Primary sources include Shi'a jurisprudential texts, Iranian civil law, the Law on Usury-Free Banking Operations, scholarly literature on Islamic finance, and legal analyses concerning banking contracts. These materials are complemented by contemporary literature on financial governance, monetary policy, banking regulation, deposit insurance, and institutional economics. The study adopts an interdisciplinary analytical framework integrating Islamic jurisprudence, banking law, political jurisprudence, and financial governance theory. Comparative conceptual analysis is used to evaluate the consistency between classical jurisprudential doctrines and the practical mechanisms governing bank deposits within Iran's monetary system. Results The findings indicate that bank deposits in Iran have gradually acquired an institutional character that substantially exceeds their traditional contractual foundations. Investment deposits, although formally structured through agency and participatory contracts, function in practice as governance instruments supporting liquidity management, monetary stabilization, and financial regulation. Mechanisms including provisional profit payments, deposit guarantees, and general agency arrangements primarily operate to preserve systemic confidence rather than to implement classical jurisprudential doctrines in their original form. The research further demonstrates that the relationship between depositors and banks is increasingly characterized by institutional regulation instead of contractual autonomy. Financial risks are redistributed among banks, depositors, and the state through explicit and implicit regulatory mechanisms designed to maintain banking stability and public confidence. Discussion The findings suggest that the evolution of bank deposits reflects a broader transformation in the relationship between Islamic jurisprudence and modern financial governance. Rather than replacing classical jurisprudential principles, contemporary banking institutions reinterpret them within the framework of macroeconomic management and public interest. Political jurisprudence provides an analytical foundation for understanding governmental intervention in monetary affairs, particularly where preserving financial stability constitutes an overriding public objective. Nevertheless, this transformation generates important normative challenges regarding contractual transparency, risk allocation, institutional accountability, and the legitimacy of governmental intervention in financial markets. Recognizing bank deposits as a politico-jurisprudential institution enables a more comprehensive understanding of modern Islamic banking and highlights the necessity of reforming existing legal and jurisprudential frameworks to reconcile financial stability with the fundamental principles of justice, contractual integrity, and public trust. سپرده‌گذاری بانکی در نظام بانکداری ایران غالباً در قالب یک رابطۀ قراردادی خصوصی میان بانک و سپرده‌گذار تحلیل شده است. پرسش محوری تحقیق می‌پرسد که سپرده‌گذاری بانکی در ایران تا چه حد کارکردی فراتر از یک عقد خصوصی یافته و به سازوکاری از حکمرانی مالی تبدیل شده است. فرضیۀ اصلی پژوهش آن است که سپرده‌های بانکی، به‌ویژه سپرده‌های سرمایه‌گذاری، واجد ماهیتی نهادی و حکمرانی‌محورند و مشروعیت فقهی و حقوقی آنها صرفاً با قواعد فقه معاملات قابل تبیین نیست، بلکه باید در پیوند با فقه سیاسی، سیاست پولی و مصلحت حفظ نظام بانکی تحلیل شوند. روش تحقیق توصیفی–تحلیلی است و با بهره‌گیری از منابع فقه امامیه، حقوق بانکی ایران، قانون عملیات بانکی بدون ربا و تحلیل نهادی سیاست پولی انجام شده است. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که مفاهیمی چون سود علی‌الحساب، وکالت عام و تضمین سپرده‌ها بیش از آنکه پاسخ‌های فقهی خالص باشند، ابزارهایی سیاست‌گذارانه برای مدیریت ثبات مالی و اعتماد عمومی‌اند. نتیجه پژوهش آن است که سپرده‌گذاری بانکی نهادی فقهی–سیاسی است که در آن، قواعد فقه معاملات تحت تأثیر منطق حکمرانی مالی بازتفسیر شده‌اند و بازاندیشی در چارچوب‌های فقهی و حقوقی آن اجتناب‌ناپذیر است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247018_056d0af56b046835172d20f49fd13df6.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 Policy-Making of Russia and the United States in the South Caucasus and Its Impact on the National Interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran سیاستگذاری روسیه و آمریکا در قفقاز جنوبی و تأثیر آن بر منافع ملی ج.ا.ایران 263 288 247019 FA علی جهانی گروه علوم سیاسی، واحد تبریز، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تبریز، ایران. رضا نصیری حامد دانشیار گروه علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران (نویسنده مسئول). 0000-0001-7977-0531 جلیل نائبیان دانشیار گروه تاریخ، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران. Journal Article 2025 12 19 The South Caucasus has become one of the most important arenas of geopolitical competition between Russia and the United States following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The main research question of this study is: how has the policy-making of Russia and the United States in the South Caucasus affected the national interests and security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The research hypothesis is based on the assumption that the geopolitical rivalry between Russia and the United States in the South Caucasus, aimed at controlling the balance of power, energy routes, and strategic corridors, has increased security and geopolitical pressures on Iran and has further complicated its surrounding security environment. This study employs a descriptive-analytical method and relies on realist theory to examine the dimensions of competition between the two powers in the South Caucasus and its implications for Iran. The findings indicate that the United States, through the expansion of its political, security, and energy-oriented influence in the region, has sought to limit Iran’s geopolitical role, while Russia, despite sharing some interests with Iran in countering Western influence, has primarily aimed to preserve its traditional sphere of influence and geopolitical dominance in the South Caucasus. Consequently, the competition between these two powers has made Iran’s security and geopolitical environment in the South Caucasus more complex and sensitive. Introduction The South Caucasus has emerged as a critical geopolitical arena following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Its strategic location at the intersection of Europe, the Middle East, and Central Asia, along with its energy resources and transit corridors, has made it a focal point of competition between Russia and the United States. This section outlines the geopolitical importance of the region and situates the research problem within the broader context of great-power rivalry and its implications for the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Materials and Methods This study employs a descriptive-analytical research design and is grounded in realist theory, particularly neo-realism and geopolitical approaches. Data have been collected through library-based sources, including books, peer-reviewed articles, and policy reports. The analytical framework focuses on examining the strategic behaviors of Russia and the United States in the South Caucasus and interpreting their implications for Iran’s security and national interests. Results The findings indicate that the United States has pursued a strategy of expanding political, economic, and security influence in the South Caucasus, aiming to integrate regional states into Western-oriented structures and develop alternative energy corridors bypassing Russia and Iran. In contrast, Russia has sought to preserve its traditional sphere of influence through military presence, conflict management, and regional alliances. These competing strategies have intensified geopolitical competition and significantly increased pressure on Iran’s northern security environment. Discussion The analysis shows that the South Caucasus functions as a core space of geopolitical rivalry within Eurasia. The United States’ efforts to reshape energy routes and expand NATO-linked influence have contributed to the marginalization of Iran’s transit role, while Russia’s dominance has simultaneously constrained Iran’s independent maneuverability. Although Iran shares some strategic alignment with Russia in opposing Western expansion, Russia’s own hegemonic interests often limit full convergence. Consequently, Iran is compelled to adopt a multidimensional balancing strategy to protect its national interests amid a highly unstable and competitive regional environment. قفقاز جنوبی پس از فروپاشی اتحاد جماهیر شوروی، به یکی از مهم‌ترین عرصه‌های رقابت ژئوپلیتیکی میان روسیه و ایالات متحده آمریکا تبدیل شده است. پرسش اصلی پژوهش حاضر این است که سیاستگذاری روسیه و آمریکا در قفقاز جنوبی چه تأثیری بر منافع و امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران داشته است؟ فرضیه تحقیق بر این مبنا استوار است که رقابت ژئوپلیتیکی روسیه و آمریکا در قفقاز جنوبی، با هدف کنترل موازنه قدرت، مسیرهای انرژی و کریدورهای راهبردی، موجب افزایش فشارهای امنیتی و ژئوپلیتیکی بر ایران و پیچیده‌تر شدن محیط امنیت پیرامونی آن شده است. این پژوهش با استفاده از روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و با تکیه بر نظریه واقع‌گرایی، ابعاد رقابت دو قدرت در قفقاز جنوبی و پیامدهای آن برای ایران را بررسی می‌کند. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد آمریکا با گسترش نفوذ سیاسی، امنیتی و انرژی‌محور خود در منطقه، درصدد محدودسازی نقش ژئوپلیتیکی ایران بوده، در حالی که روسیه نیز با وجود اشتراک منافع با ایران در مقابله با نفوذ غرب، عمدتاً در پی حفظ حوزه نفوذ سنتی و برتری ژئوپلیتیکی خود در قفقاز جنوبی بوده است. در نتیجه، رقابت این دو قدرت، محیط امنیتی و ژئوپلیتیکی ایران در قفقاز جنوبی را پیچیده‌تر و حساس‌تر کرده است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247019_171381c57de41ddeeb8926bcaeeab718.pdf

عبدالمطلب عبداله رهیافت انقلاب اسلامی 2980-9118 20 74 2026 05 22 Legal Inflation and Governance Efficiency Challenges in Iran’s Legislative System تورم قوانین و چالش کار آمدی حکمرانی در نظام قانونگذاری ایران 289 314 247709 FA سید سعید صفوی مربی گروه حقوق، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران(نویسنده مسئول) Journal Article 2026 02 16 Legal inflation has emerged as one of the major challenges of contemporary legal systems, occurring when the accumulation of binding rules, multiplicity of norm-producing authorities, and frequent amendments undermine the coherence and predictability of the legal order. This study examines the question of whether the increasing volume of laws and regulations in Iran’s social security system has weakened the effectiveness of legal governance. The main hypothesis of the research is that the accumulation of laws, executive regulations, and administrative directives in the field of social security has not necessarily enhanced regulatory efficiency; rather, it has contributed to normative complexity, fragmented institutional responsibility, and increased costs of legal implementation. The study employs a descriptive-analytical method based on documentary analysis of laws, amendments, executive regulations, governmental resolutions, and administrative circulars related to the Iranian social security system. The findings indicate that the expansion of regulatory layers, the absence of systematic legal consolidation, and the proliferation of norm-producing sources have reduced legal transparency, increased interpretive ambiguity, and challenged the coordinated implementation of social security regulations. Accordingly, moving toward evidence-based legislation and systematic consolidation of regulations is essential for improving governance effectiveness in this field. Introduction Law, as one of the fundamental instruments of modern governance, performs the essential function of organizing social relations, protecting rights, and providing predictable frameworks for collective action. However, the expansion of governmental responsibilities in economic, social, and welfare domains has resulted in an unprecedented growth of legal and regulatory norms. This phenomenon, commonly described as legal inflation or regulatory accumulation, occurs when the volume, diversity, and complexity of binding rules exceed the capacity of legal institutions and social actors to understand, implement, and comply with them effectively. Legal inflation is not merely a quantitative increase in legislation; rather, it reflects the fragmentation of legal sources, frequent amendments, overlapping norms, and the emergence of multiple layers of regulation that may weaken legal coherence and governance effectiveness. The Iranian legal system has also experienced significant expansion in legislative and regulatory production, particularly in areas characterized by extensive governmental intervention. The social security system represents one of the most important examples, as it directly affects millions of insured individuals, employers, pensioners, and public institutions. Since the adoption of the Social Security Act in 1975, this legal framework has been repeatedly modified through amendment laws, development plans, annual budget laws, governmental regulations, administrative circulars, and executive directives. Consequently, the regulatory structure of social security has gradually transformed into a multilayered legal environment in which identifying applicable rules requires reference to numerous and sometimes dispersed legal documents. The present study investigates whether the accumulation of laws and regulations in Iran’s social security system represents a necessary expansion of legal protection or constitutes a form of legal inflation that negatively affects governance efficiency. The main hypothesis of the study is that the continuous accumulation of legislative and regulatory documents in the social security sector has increased normative complexity, weakened legal transparency, fragmented institutional responsibility, and reduced the predictability of regulatory outcomes. Materials and Methods This research employs a descriptive-analytical method based on documentary analysis. The research data consist of primary legal and regulatory documents related to Iran’s social security system, including the Social Security Act of 1975, subsequent amendment laws, provisions of development plans and annual budget laws, executive regulations, government resolutions, and administrative circulars issued by the Social Security Organization. The documents were analyzed according to several indicators of legal inflation, including the growth of regulatory layers, the multiplicity of norm-producing authorities, frequency of amendments and interventions, overlap among legal provisions, and the need for continuous administrative and judicial interpretation. The analytical framework of the study is based on the distinction between ordinary legislative development and legal inflation. While ordinary legislative development responds to new social needs within a coherent legal structure, legal inflation occurs when the production of rules creates additional complexity without improving regulatory effectiveness. Discussion The study argues that the effectiveness of governance depends not only on the existence of legal rules but also on the coherence, accessibility, and predictability of those rules. In complex regulatory fields such as social security, excessive accumulation of norms may shift law from being a clear mechanism for governance into an obstacle requiring continuous interpretation. The coexistence of parliamentary legislation, executive regulations, and administrative directives creates multiple layers of authority and may blur the boundaries of responsibility among legislative and executive institutions. From a governance perspective, regulatory accumulation generates several challenges. First, it reduces legal coherence by dispersing the applicable rules across numerous documents. Second, it increases implementation costs for administrative bodies and compliance costs for citizens and employers. Third, it weakens predictability because frequent modifications and interpretive interventions make legal outcomes uncertain. Finally, it contributes to institutional fragmentation by expanding the number of actors involved in producing and interpreting social security norms. Results The findings demonstrate that the Iranian social security system exhibits several characteristics associated with legal inflation. The analysis indicates that the expansion of regulatory layers has not necessarily resulted in greater efficiency or clarity; instead, it has contributed to complexity, interpretive dependency, and difficulties in coordinated implementation. The accumulation of laws, regulations, and administrative directives has transformed the social security legal framework from a relatively unified system into a dispersed regulatory network. The study concludes that improving governance effectiveness in social security requires moving from continuous rule production toward regulatory management and legal consolidation. Establishing systematic mechanisms for the codification and revision of existing regulations, conducting impact assessments before adopting new laws, strengthening the role of comprehensive legislation, and limiting unnecessary administrative rule-making are among the necessary measures for reducing legal inflation and enhancing the efficiency of Iran’s social security governance system. تورم قوانین به عنوان یکی از چالش‌های نظام‌های حقوقی معاصر، زمانی رخ می‌دهد که انباشت قواعد الزام‌آور، تعدد منابع تولید هنجار و اصلاحات مکرر، موجب کاهش انسجام و پیش‌بینی‌پذیری نظام حقوقی شود. پژوهش حاضر با طرح این پرسش که «آیا تراکم قوانین و مقررات در حوزه تأمین اجتماعی ایران موجب کاهش کارآمدی حکمرانی حقوقی شده است؟» به بررسی رابطه میان افزایش قواعد و کیفیت تنظیم‌گری در این حوزه می‌پردازد. فرضیه اصلی پژوهش آن است که انباشت قوانین، آیین‌نامه‌ها و مقررات اجرایی در نظام تأمین اجتماعی، به جای افزایش کارآمدی، موجب پیچیدگی هنجاری، پراکندگی مسئولیت و افزایش هزینه‌های اجرای قانون شده است. پژوهش حاضر با روش توصیفی ـ تحلیلی و با بهره‌گیری از روش تحلیل اسناد، قوانین، اصلاحیه‌ها، آیین‌نامه‌ها، مصوبات و بخشنامه‌های مرتبط با نظام تأمین اجتماعی را بررسی کرده است. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که تعدد لایه‌های مقرراتی، فقدان تنقیح مستمر و گسترش منابع تولید قاعده، موجب کاهش شفافیت حقوقی، افزایش تفسیرپذیری و دشواری اجرای هماهنگ مقررات تأمین اجتماعی شده است. بر این اساس، حرکت به سوی قانونگذاری ارزیابی‌محور و یکپارچه‌سازی مقررات، از الزامات ارتقای کارآمدی حکمرانی در این حوزه است.

https://www.rahyaftjournal.ir/article_247709_c76d8cd13766943816b40c0315467db8.pdf