Due to its non-state structure, financial independence, and extensive social influence, the institution of Shiʿite marjaʿiyya has historically played a vital and distinctive role in Iran’s political and social developments. This study aims to analyze the transformation of the political function of this institution after the Islamic Revolution, with particular attention to changes in the institutional dimensions of its independence. The central problem is to understand how the establishment of a political system based on Velayat-e Faqih has affected the structure of power and the institutional position of the marjaʿiyya. The main research question is: What effects have the structural mechanisms that emerged in the post-revolutionary period had on the independence and the nature of the political function of Shiʿite marjaʿiyya? The study hypothesizes that, following the incorporation of parts of the marjaʿiyya into the formal structure of government, its institutional position has shifted from that of an autonomous supervisory institution standing above and outside governmental power toward that of an ideological institution with a legitimizing function. This shift has created structural challenges for preserving the institution’s traditional independence in financial, intellectual, and organizational domains. The study employs an analytical-comparative methodology and, drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of fields and forms of capital, examines and compares the political function of the marjaʿiyya in the pre- and post-revolutionary periods. The findings indicate that changes in sources of financial support, the entry of some religious authorities into the structure of power, and the reframing of political criticism within the dominant discourse have collectively contributed to a shift in the functional pattern of Shiʿite marjaʿiyya from independent oversight toward reinforcing the discursive cohesion of the political system, thereby posing new challenges to the preservation of institutional autonomy.


Introduction
Shi’a marja’iyya has historically functioned in Iran as a powerful non-state institution rooted in financial autonomy, social authority, and religious legitimacy. After the Islamic Revolution, the establishment of a political order based on velayat-e faqih altered the relationship between religion and state and reshaped the institutional position of marja’iyya. The central question is: How have the structural mechanisms emerging in the post-revolutionary period affected the independence and political nature of Shi’a marja’iyya? The hypothesis argues that, following the entry of some maraji’ into the formal state structure, marja’iyya shifted from an extra-power, supra-governmental supervisory institution toward an ideological institution with a legitimizing function, creating structural challenges for preserving its traditional financial, intellectual, and organizational independence. This article examines that transformation through Bourdieu’s field theory and the forms of capital, comparing the pre- and post-revolutionary periods.
Materials and Methods
This study employs an analytical-comparative methodology to evaluate the political evolution of the marja’iyya. Utilizing Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory—specifically concepts of field, habitus, and capital—the research examines how the post-revolutionary governance framework has reconfigured the marja’iyya’s social and political capital. By comparing the pre- and post-revolutionary periods, the study analyzes shifts in financial resources and intellectual autonomy, demonstrating how the merger of religious and political fields has fundamentally altered the structural constraints and political functions of this institution.
Discussion
The integration of certain religious authorities into the post-revolutionary power structure has introduced significant complexity into the traditional role of the marja’iyya. Utilizing Bourdieu’s field theory, it is observable that while the “religious” and “political” fields have increasingly overlapped for segments aligned with the state, they have not fully coalesced into a monolithic “super-field” for all actors. In this evolving arena, political capital—often defined by institutional alignment—has become increasingly influential. Maraji’ who opted for inclusion in formal state structures have effectively engaged in an implicit exchange: prioritizing political influence and access to state-sponsored resources over the preservation of independent symbolic capital. Consequently, for this specific cohort, the marja’iyya’s function has shifted from an external, critical supervisory role to one that facilitates internal legitimation. Financial reliance on state-administered budgets and the bureaucratic management of seminaries has further entrenched this strategic dependency for some. The state has sought to utilize these linkages to reinforce ideological coherence, though this strategy has also created a distinct bifurcated landscape: a loyalist wing that sustains state legitimacy in exchange for institutional access, and an independent wing that, while often facing systematic marginalization, seeks to preserve traditional symbolic capital. The central dilemma remains whether these diverse segments of the marja’iyya can maintain their historical independence while operating within an environment where state-dictated resource distribution rules are pervasive. The narrowing of space for political critique reflects a tangible loss of autonomy for those integrated into the system, yet the institutionalization of religious authority under the velayat-e faqih framework remains a contested process, rather than a total, uniform transformation across the entire religious establishment.
Conclusion
The findings suggest that post-revolutionary governance has encouraged a shift for a significant segment of the marja’iyya, transitioning from a strictly supra-governmental role toward deeper ideological integration with the state. The establishment of the velayat-e faqih framework has catalyzed this process, as some maraji’ participating in formal power structures have sought to exchange independent symbolic capital for political influence. This shift presents structural challenges: notably, the increased financial reliance on state-associated budgets for some, and the adoption of a legitimizing function that potentially limits their capacity for independent political critique. Rather than the total dissolution of the “religious field’s” autonomy, the research indicates a complex overlay where parts of the institution increasingly operate within a state-influenced domain. Consequently, for these segments, the marja’iyya’s function has trended toward enhancing state cohesion, while independent religious authorities remain, often struggling to preserve the traditional habitus of institutional independence. To mitigate this structural dependence, the marja’iyya could prioritize the diversification of its financial foundations through transnational networks and adopt modern digital platforms to directly cultivate its social base, thereby revitalizing its traditional symbolic capital independently of state-aligned channels.

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